• 437. Caroline to Johanna Frommann in Jena: Munich, November 1808 [*]
[Munich, November 1808]
|538| Since Schelling just announced to me that he is writing a letter to your husband, let me hasten to do something I have long intended by seizing the opportunity here and now to write and tell you a bit, my dear Madam Fromman, about our life and activities here.
Gries, whom I sent to you as a human letter, has probably already provisionally related to you what he learned from us for good or ill. [1] He journeyed back to his old home, indeed, even back to the same room, and I hope he will feel as comfortable as he did before, or at least that his friends’ patience will make him forget that he is no longer the same person he was. [2]
When he arrived, he found Klinger already here, whom you commend to us and who indeed commends himself. Even in a broader sense, it was a time when old and new acquaintances appeared one after the other, and the wide world once again seems quite intimate and cozy precisely because once again, all round about, one sees all those who otherwise seemed to have vanished into the distance. It genuinely does seem as if a gathering place might be taking shape here of the sort Jena was. Quite a large number of threads are coming together again here, some of which really have already been reconnected, others of which we can only see are on their way.
For some time now, there has certainly been no lack of familiar faces. [3] We have now even gotten to the point that Tiek is providing many a wonderful evening with his reading performances, a gift he has developed to such an exquisite degree that he really does provide us with an utterly singular experience, presenting and transforming himself — a single person — into a complete theater ensemble. [4]
He is otherwise still the same. The graceful character of his manners has merely become enhanced now by a more mature element of dignity, [5] albeit one that has most oddly taken up residence in legs that are now a bit stiffened from gout. — There is little talk about new artistic creations, |539| and though he has indeed begun this or that work and also made plans for many more, it is probably not really new by virtue of his spirit itself having taken flight anew.
His sister is also here, and the sculptor will be arriving any day now from Coppet, where he transformed Madame de Staël into a statue, which in view of her considerable mobility is a not inconsiderable miracle in itself. [6] It seems we will be retaining these guests this winter even though Tiek, whom we would most prefer to keep, has already spoken about an earlier return, one that will likely also take him through Jena. [7]
It has been several months now since we lost sight of our baron, something you probably already know from his sister. [8] He had already begun to bore both us and himself so decidedly that he suddenly packed a bundle of things together and, leaving his effects and manservant here, made his way to the Rhine and on to Cologne, where he did not in fact see the cathedral, thence into the Siebengebirge, [9] where he apparently talked more than was prudent, and finally wrote from the Bohemian border employing rather pitiful expressions trying to get a passport and his manservant, both of which, I presume, reached him in time. [10]
Although we have heard nothing from him since, we do believe that this baron would probably have been better off leading a quiet life on his estates. [11] Even had he never heard the charming bells of the hermit and forest friar, nonetheless the charming sounds of the otherwise rather ponderous livestock would certainly have been more profitable. [12] This fellow simply cannot be brought to any specific calling or work through which he might actually make something of himself. Even though Schelling went to considerable effort trying to accomplish precisely that with him, he cannot stay the course for even three days before dissolving away into every possible direction again, something that will doubtless also ultimately be the case with his wealth. If he journeyed on to Vienna, he no doubt was counting on meeting up with Tiek, who at precisely |540| that time, however, was just arriving here. We are hoping he will not undertake anything foolish there. [13]
It was from him, my dear Madam Fromman, that I first learned that you now find yourself wholly within the womb of your family. Happy those who in this fragmented world and amid such disjointed circumstances manage to surround themselves with such a group. [14]
You have also most recently found yourself quite near the very center of the earth, and I doubt not that you yourself were able to see all the grand actors assembled in Erfurt, both the heroes themselves as well as those who play heroes [15] — If you would yet be so kind, I would very much appreciate hearing something from you about that entire situation. It seems that Talma was judged with just as much fear of committing a crime de leze majesté as if it were the commander himself. [16]
You may perhaps know that Hegel has found a position in Nürnberg as rector of the Gymnasium. [17] Please give our regards to Oken. I am glad that in you he has found friends whom he can seek out on cold winter evenings with his little lantern similar to the way he would suddenly walk into our room in Würzburg on so many charming evenings. [18]
Stay very well and please do remember occasionally not only to think of us, but also to reassure us of such as well.
Your Madam Schelling
Notes
[*] Erich Schmidt, (1913), 2:661, remarked that this was the only extant letter written by Caroline to be found in the house archives of Friedrich Frommann in Jena; complete according to the original.
Caroline had been a frequent visitor to the Frommanns’ house and salon in Jena (early postcard):
Concerning the conjectured date and Caroline’s reference to a letter from Schelling to Friedrich Frommann on the same date, see the editorial note Schelling’s letter to Frommann on 2 October 1808 (letter 435a) (Calendar für das Jahr 1803 [Offenbach]; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):
[1] Johann Diederich Gries had moved from Jena to Heidelberg in the spring of 1806, thus inadvertently avoiding being in Jena when the French came in October (battles of Jena and Auerstedt) (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):
In mid-summer 1808, he left Heidelberg and journeyed through Switzerland and down to Rome before returning by way of Bern, where he spent several weeks with his friend Karl Emanuel Otth and the latter’s wife, Charlotte, née Wiedemann from Braunschweig, Luise Wiedemann’s sister-in-law
Gries then visited Coppet, where he met with Wilhelm Schlegel, and spent two weeks in Munich on his way back to relocate to Jena (“Central Europe: Wars of the Third Coalition 1805–7,” Cambridge Modern History Atlas [Cambridge 1912]):
Concerning his itinerary after leaving Heidelberg and his journey to Switzerland and Italy, see supplementary appendix 435a.1. Back.
[2] Gries was a convivial and social personality, and much of his adult life was characterized by sentimental homesickness for Jena and his circle of friends there, even though he was originally from Hamburg (Jena students enjoy an evening together in 1760 and socializing before the Burgkeller tavern; illustrations from [1] Ernst Borkowsky, Das alte Jena und seine Universität [Jena 1908], 107; [2] Gustav Heinrich Schneider, Die Burschenschaft Germania zu Jena [Jena 1897], 149):
[3] Carl Friedrich von Rumohr had related to Ludwig Tieck on 26 September 1807 (letter 425b) that “the Schellings, who have put up with me a great deal as a visitor at their home and with whom I have for some time spent the some of the most wonderful days I can recall, viewing and talking constantly about art together as we did — remarked with regret how so many people who were earlier friends now no longer live together” (see note 4 there).
Now, however, Tieck himself had arrived in Munich in October 1808 with his sister, Sophie Bernhardi. Later, as Caroline goes on to remark, their brother, Friedrich Tieck, also arrived from Coppet. See also Caroline’s remarks to Pauline Gotter on 23 November 1808 (letter 436): “You will see, everyone will soon be drawn to Munich just as earlier to Jena and, just as then as well, be drawn out and dispersed again over all the earth.” Even Schelling felt compelled to write to Carl Joseph Windischmann on 8 December 1808 (Plitt 2:137; Fuhrmans 3:567–68): “Ludwig Tieck has been here with us for perhaps 6 weeks now with his sister.”
In the meantime, Clemens (whom Caroline and Schelling had known in Jena) and Bettina Brentano had arrived in Munich as well, as had Friedrich Karl von Savigny, and, together with Schelling, Caroline, Johann Wilhelm Ritter, Franz von Baader, Gries, and the Tiecks, it did indeed seem that, at least for a moment, an animated new circle was forming (Carlo Goldoni, Opere complete, vol. 8, Commedie die Carlo Goldoni [Venice 1910], 483):
In her letter to Pauline Gotter on 1 March (letter 440), however, Caroline was already reporting problems, especially with the Tieck siblings. Back.
[4] See the supplementary appendix on Ludwig Tieck’s talent for reading aloud. Back.
[5] Caroline evokes here Schiller’s earlier treatise Ueber Anmuth und Würde, initially published as “Ueber Anmuth und Würde,” Neue Thalia 3, no. 2 (1793) 115–230; trans. by Jane V. Curran as Schiller’s “On Grace and Dignity” in Its Cultural Context: Essays and a New Translation, ed. Jane V. Curran and Christophe Fricker (Rochester, NY 2005), 123–70 (also understood as “gracefulness” and dignity). Back.
[6] Concerning the bust, see Caroline’s letter to Pauline Gotter on 23 November 1808 (letter 436), note 12.
Friedrich Tieck did not leave Coppet for Munich until 4 April 1809; he arrived ca. 16 April after having been in Coppet since October 1808 (Krisenjahre 2:373; 3:399, 406). He moved in with Ludwig Tieck and Sophie Bernhardi in an apartment on Max Joseph Square (at top right; the Schellings’ apartment building Im Rosenthal 144 is at bottom left; Königlich Baiersche Haupt und Residenzstadt München am 1. Januar 1809 [Munich 1809]; Bayerisches Landesvermessungsamt München, Nr. 558/03):
Rudolf Köpke, Tieck: Erinnerungen, 1:341, relates that Friedrich Tieck was in fact in Munich at some point during the autumn of 1808. Edmund Hildebrandt, Friedrich Tieck. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte im Zeitalter Goethes und der Romantik (Leipzig 1906), 63, picked up this information uncritically and supported it with a passage from Felix Theodor Bernhardi, Aus Dem Leben Theodor von Bernhardis, vol. 1: Jugenderinnerungen (Leipzig 1893; 2 ed. 1898), 5, a passage, however, that refers to Friedrich Tieck’s presence in Bernhardi’s parents’ residence (i.e., Sophie Bernhardi and Karl Gregor von Knorring) in Rome, not in Munich. Back.
[7] Ludwig Tieck did not soon return to Prussia. See Caroline’s letter to Pauline Gotter on 23 November 1808 (letter 436), note 11. Back.
[8] Friederike von Rumohr was now living in Jena.
Lorenz Oken, in a letter to Schelling on 25 January 1809 (Alexander Ecker, Lorenz Oken. Eine biographische Skizze. Durch erläuternde Zusätze und Mittheilungen aus Oken’s Briefwechsel vermehrt [Stuttgart 1880], 205; transl. from idem, Lorenz Oken. A biographical Sketch. With explanatory notes, selections from Oken’s correspondence, and a portrait of the professor, trans. Alfred Tulk [London 1883], 122–23), remarks that
I associate chiefly with Seebeck, Knebel, and the aged Stark, at whose house I often meet Rumohr’s sister. She is an intelligent girl, a little eccentric, it is true — but one must not take that ill of her, for she has got a good heart.
The “aged” Johann Christian Stark was 55 years old at the time (Berlinischer Damen-Kalender auf das Gemein-Jahr 1806; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):
[9] The “Seven Mountains,” a modest mountain range on the eastern bank of the Rhine River southeast of Bonn and extending down just past Bad Honnef ([1] Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]; [2] J. G. Zehler, Das Siebengebirge und seine Umgebungen nach den interessanteren Beziehungen dargestellt [Crefeld 1837], plate following p. 234):
Part of the popular local scenery is the Drachenfels castle (Dragon’s blood), so-called because it is allegedly the site where the Nibelungenlied hero Siegfried slew the local dragon and then bathed in its blood to acquire invulnerability in battle (illustrations from G. C. T. Bartley, The Rhine: From Its Source to the Sea [London 1903], 314, 315):
[10] See also Caroline’s letter to Pauline Gotter on 23 November 1808 (letter 436), also with note 14 there. Back.
[11] Concerning Rumohr’s inherited estates, see his letter to Ludwig Tieck on 26 September 1807 (letter 425b), note 2. Rumohr had most recently been residing in Kremplesdorf outside Lübeck (map: Plan von der Schlacht bey und in der freyen Hanse-Stadt Lübeck am 6 ten November 1806 [n.d.]; illustration of manor lord setting out with his employees by Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, Gutsherr und Bauern brechen zur Treibjagd auf [1796]):
[12] With the allusion to the hermit or “forest friar,” Caroline here evokes a traditional motif in German folklore, one whose accompanying notion of simple piety and proximity to God in nature was not lost on Romantic writers. Although she gives no indication of which particular version (if any) she was thinking, the motif with the bells and livestock does reflect a Swiss tradition from the Appenzell-Innerrhoden alps concerning a “small church in the wilds” (the site is still visited today); see Eduard Osenbrüggen, “Das Wildkirchli,” Freÿa: Illustrirte Blätter für die gebildete Welt 7 (1867), 444–46 (illustration ibid., 445):
The Wildkirchli stands before us like an image from the heights of heaven; situated on a small precipice at 4615 feet above sea level, among rugged rocks and cliffs straining heavenwards above dark abysses and forest-crowned gorges joined by green hills providing the transition from the wildly romantic mountain landscape to the charming and amiable valley below. . . .
[Theodor] Zschokke [1806–66] calls the Wildkirchli “a novel built into the midst of the alps.” . . . A person for whom the world has grown too wide and human life too confusing, who wishes to be alone with God and grant peace once more to a trembling heart, may consider settling beneath this steep rock precipice above the dizzying depths below. It is a spiritual capriccio [It., “fancy, caprice, whim”]. No legend recounts who the first hermit here was. The grotto was discovered in 1610, and in it a small, dilapidated wooden altar with weather-worn crucifixes, alongside which lay various human bones. . . .
Five times a day, the hermit sounds his small bell, thereby alerting the shepherds in the alps that it is the time for prayer. On some of the larger alps, such as Sigeltenalp, tall crucifixes stand, around which on Saturdays, when Wildkirchli’s vesper bell rings, the local herdsmen come together for quiet celebration. When the day wanes . . . the Wildkirchli’s bell sounds solemnly once more, and another beautiful day has come to an end.
The location of the Wildkirchli was important enough to be included in Karl Baedeker, Switzerland and the Adjacent Portions of Italy, Savoy, and the Tyrol: Handbook for Travellers, 2nd ed. (London 1864), map following p. 308 (top: St. Gallen; center: Appenzell; bottom: Wildkirchli):
See the later description by Marie Widmer, “Places of Worship in Switzerland,” Overland Monthly 75 (1920) 3 (March 1920), 187–97, here 192:
The Wildkirchli
In Eastern Switzerland, about 1 ½ hours above Appenzell, in an interesting and extensive region of caves, which is noted for prehistoric finds, stands the picturesque retreat of the Wildkirchli, whose founder, a priest from Appenzell, erected here in the year 1658 a little hermitage with chapel for himself. In the year 1679 he willed the Wildkirchli to the State of Innerrhoden, specifying that it should remain a hermitage forever.
Some 16 hermits lived consecutively in this mountainous solitude, until 1851, when the hermit’s dwelling was abandoned as such and transformed into a commodious inn, in order to accommodate the great number of pilgrims and tourists who yearly flock to the hermit’s chapel of St. Michael. A memorial tablet in the vicinity also reminds of the poet Victor von Scheffel, author of “Ekkehard” who completed this well-known novel up here in the year 1854. Back.
[13] Rumohr soon returned to Munich (Thomas Kitchin, Map of Germany [ca. 1780]):
[14] Relatives of Johanne Frommann had moved to Jena at the same time Johann Diederich Gries moved back; see Günther H. Wahnes, Freundliches Begegnen: Goethe, Minchen Herzlieb und das Frommannsche Haus (Stuttgart, Jena 1927), 70:
Gries returned from Heidelberg to his spinsterish little room in Jena; he simply could not keep himself away from Jena and quickly felt right at home when he made the acquaintance of his lady compatriots [from Hamburg] who, relatives of the Frommanns, had in the meantime moved in with this family. Aunt Sophie Bohn, Madam Frommann’s widowed sister [ed. note: who brought along her two sons, Alexander (Alexis) Bohn (1797–1875) and Friedrich Bohn (1795–1872)], had sold her bookselling business in Lübeck, and with her mother and sister Betty had entered into the family circle in Jena.
(W. R. Shepherd, Historical Map of Central Europe about 1786 [1926]):
Karl von Rumohr’s sister Friederike joined these ladies from Lower Saxony, around whom an array of younger men soon similarly gathered.
(Der Freund des schönen Geschlechts: ein angenehm und nützlicher Taschenkalender für das Jahr 1808):
In 1809, moreover, Johanne Frommann’s “step-aunt” also moved to Jena, namely, Caroline Hanbury, née Bohn, the sister of Johann Friedrich Bohn, the latter of whom in 1794 had married Sophie Wesselhöft (Aunt Sophie Bohn above); she was Johanne Frommann’s (née Wesselhöft) “step-aunt” as well because Johanne’s mother (Sophie Charlotte Wesselhöft, née Bohn) and Caroline Hanbury’s father (Johann Karl Bohn) were step-siblings. Johanne Frommann genuinely was now surrounded by family (Göttinger Taschen Calender Für das Iahr 1798; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):
[15] Concerning the Erfurt events in September and October 1808, see Caroline’s letter to Pauline Gotter on 23 November 1808 (letter 436), note 1, and supplementary appendix 436.1.
The Frommanns did indeed attend events that took place in Weimar. Friedrich Frommann wrote to Wilhelm Schlegel on 7 October 1808 (Krisenjahre 1:630):
I was in Weimar yesterday. A grand stag shoot took place during the morning at Ettersburg; diner at court, theater [Voltaire’s] Le mort du [de] César [1743] by the imperial actors, illumination [fireworks], ball soupé.
Here an illustration from Voltaire’s Le mort de César, from Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, 70 vols. (1785–89); here: 1785):
Today a hare hunt on the site of the battle of 14 October 1806, déjenuner à la fourchette at the site of the imperial bivouac on 13/14 October 1806 etc. The latter probably at the same instant I am writing this.
The hare hunt on the site of the battle in 1806 was intended considerably less a genuine hunt than as a humiliation for Karl August, that is, as a reenactment of the rout of the Prussian forces by the French; concerning Karl August’s profoundly precarious status, see the supplementary appendix on Friedrich Müller’s odyssey on behalf of Duke Karl August.
See also esp. Louise Seidler’s remarks in her memoirs (Erinnerungen der Malerin Louise Seidler, ed. Hermann Uhde (Berlin 1922), 51) (illustration: John Wooton, In full chace / Action de Chasser [London ca. 1770]):
Napoleon’s particularly notorious “hare hunt” with all the grand potentates then took place on 7 October on the Jena battlefield, namely, the Landgrafenberg, which since the day when Napoleon himself had bivouacked there had been called the “Napoleonberg.” The crude irony of this “hare hunt” was felt especially deeply by the noble Karl August, who feigned indisposition to avoid having to participate.
Friedrich Frommann now continues his account:
The sight of the parquette and parterre in [the theater at] Weimar was singular, all these emperors, kings, princes, princely rulers, ministers, generals — what material for the most confused feelings and ideas.
See also Eduard Genast, Aus Weimars klassischer und nachklassischer Zeit, ed. R. Kohlrausch (Stuttgart n.d.), 32–33:
The French acting troupe that Napoleon had summoned from Erfurt to Weimar performed the Death of Caesar that evening.
A platform was built over the orchestra on which the two emperors sat on throne chairs; the kings and grand dukes were placed in the parquette, the other princes and rulers loge the parterre. Ladies only occupied the first row. The kings of Westfalia and Saxony occupied the royal center loge along with our Duchess Luise, the other princesses, and also the on-duty marshals and chamberlains, otherwise no one else was granted entry. State and court officials with the rank of a real Rath were directed to the last place, namely, the gallery. Two guards with weapons at ready stood at each side of the proscenium. Back.
[16] Such was in fact essentially the case, and for a quite specific reason. See Gustav Brünnert, Napoleons Aufenthalt in Erfurt im Jahre 1808 (Erfurt 1899), 17–18 (translations from Voltaire: The Dramatic Works of Mr. De Voltaire, trans. Rev. Mr. Francklin, vols. 1 and 6 [London 1761, 1763]; Mahomet: A Tragedy, act 1, scene 4; act 2, scene 5; Oedipus: A Tragedy, act 1, scene 1):
The dramatic pieces to be performed were carefully chosen, all were calculated to accord with Napoleon’s intention of presenting to the German public great heroes who had performed mighty deeds and elevated themselves above ordinary human beings through courage and lofty intellectual gifts and who for precisely that reason were venerated and extolled by their astonished contemporaries as beings of a higher sort.
Allusions abounded to the emperor himself, especially in Iphigenia, which speaks repeatedly and ever anew about immortality, eternal fame, heroic grandeur, and the colossal power of fate, and Napoleon had given Talma specific instructions beforehand concerning how he was to declame certain words with particular clarity and passion. Napoleon’s favorite piece was Voltaire’s Mahomet, for there he found the best reflection of his own power:
Omar. Men are equal all; From virtue only true distinction springs, And not from birth: there are exalted spirits Who claim respect and honour from themselves And not their ancestors: these, these my lord, Are heav'n's peculiar care, and such is he Whom I obey, and who alone deserves To be a master; all mankind like me Shall one day fall before the conqu'ror's feet, And future ages follow my example.One can easily imagine the effect these words had, and how all eyes within the entire theater were then directed to Napoleon. Although it was the actors whom the entire world heard, it was upon him that the entire world gazed.
Then the actor Lafond (or Lafont) entered and spoke the following words into the silent assembly:
Mahomet. The Roman empire torn By discord, sees its scatter'd members spread On ev'ry side inglorious; let us raise Arabia on the ruins of mankind: The blind and tott'ring universe demands Another worship, and another God.The audience hardly dared to applaud; then immediately thereafter the applause broke forth at the words:
Omar. But henceforth I wou'd have thee act A better part, and treat me as a friend, As the ambassador of Mahomet, A conqu'ror and a king. Zopir. A king! who made, Who crown'd him? Omar. Victory . . .And this applause became thunderous when Talma, in the role of Omar, stepped to the stage apron and, turning squarely to Napoleon, proclaimed:
Respect his glory, And tremble at his pow'r: amidst his conquests The hero offers peace.Once during the performance of Oedipe, during that famous, touching scene, Talma in the role of Oedipus [ed. note: correct: Philoctetes] turned to his friend with the words: “A great man’s friendship is the gift of heav’n,” upon which the Czar himself rose, gracefully extended his hand to Napoleon, and clasped the latter’s hand — whereupon the applause reached its high point and turned to rejoicing that knew no end. For many nearsighted politicians, this was the greatest moment among all the imperial events in Erfurt. Back.
[17] Unable to secure an academic position, Hegel had moved to Bamberg at some point between February and March 1807 to become editor of the Bamberger Zeitung. While still in Jena, he had queried Schelling about the possibility of an appointment at a Bavarian university. See Schelling’s response on 11 January 1807 (letter 420a).
When he arrived in Bamberg, his friend Friedrich Immanuel Niethammer and his wife, Rosine Niethammer, were still residing there but about to be transferred to Munich. H. E. G. Paulus was also still in Bamberg but about to be transferred to Nürnberg.
Hegel edited the newspaper until the autumn of 1808, when Niethammer, who had first come upon the notion in May 1808, arranged for him to be appointed head of the liberal arts secondary school (humanistisches Gymnasium), the Melanchthon Gymnasium, in Nürnberg on the basis of his philosophical background. Although Niethammer initially was hesitant to approach Hegel about the position, thinking it may seem too degrading, Hegel was grateful to have the opportunity to be released from the editorial position he had always considered merely provisional (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):
Hegel eventually moved to Nürnberg sometime during November 1808. Among other duties, he was to give instruction in both philosophy and religion there (see Karl Rosenkranz, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegels Leben [Berlin 1844], 246–51; illustration: Johann Adam Delsenbach, Church of St. Egidien and the Melanchthon Gymnasium in Nürnberg [ca. 1711]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Porträt- und Ansichtensammlung):
[18] Both illustrations: Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung: [1] Toiletten Kalender für Frauenzimmer (Vienna 1796); [2] Zeitvertreibs Kalender in vermischten Unterhaltungen für Gesellschaften (Vienna 1801):
After earning his medical doctorate, Oken had studied in Würzburg under Schelling, who in a letter to Carl Eschenmayer on 22 December 1804 (letter 388g) mentions Oken favorably as one of the students attending his lectures. After Oken himself had begun lecturing in Göttingen and came into financial difficulty, he felt well enough acquainted with the Schellings from his time in Würzburg (where Caroline refers to him as “friend Oken”; see her letter to Schelling, who was already in Munich, on 25–26 April 1806 [letter 403]) to solicit Schelling’s help. See his letter to Schelling on 18 November 1805 (letter 398a). Back.
Translation © 2018 Doug Stott