Letter 408

• 408. Caroline to Schelling in Munich: Würzburg, 9 May 1806

[Würzburg] 9 May [1806]

|449| My last letter [1] had just been sent off when yet another from you arrived, [2] my dear friend. My original arrangement remains in effect [3] — although I would love to lend wings to the whole process, things |450| can proceed only by putting one foot in front of the other; [4] and much of what I do is futile in any case, since no one is home just now and I myself am only able to keep going by moving with more haste and less speed; for although I am not sick as my friend fears, I am healthy, so to speak, only from one day to the next.

I have scheduled the auction for a week from tomorrow, on the 16th. Your books are packed and will be sent this week along with a barrel of bedding. I do not want to write you all sorts of unnecessary things about my arrangements. Today I am expecting the final, determinative letters from you. It will be fine if we but remain in Munich [5] — though it is allegedly extremely expensive there. I spoke with Madam Bayard about that, [6] but, after all, it is expensive everywhere, perhaps excepting Würzburg itself, which even at the cheapest price is still too expensive for me.

Let me tell you that the day before yesterday I attended Fanchon, abonnement suspendu because the prince elector was supposed to attend, which, however, he did not do. [7] His soul is so “delicate” that he cannot endure the dreadful prologues, presumably those of Professor Andress, who once again prepared one and was standing in Münchhausen’s private loge with a more than a prince-electoral consciousness. [8]

Fanchon was performed rather sleepily, though I did speak with several people, e.g., the Bayards, who had just arrived. He told me about a letter to you from Madam Liebeskind that was addressed to him and apparently wandered about through half of Germany before finally getting to you. Bayard will not be going to Ansbach, and will instead remain until the new and indeed newest reorganization in Bamberg is in place [9]Steinlein will presumably be sent into retirement. [10] Schilcher will be taking Widder’s position, who will be going to Tyrol [11]

Although I am completely indifferent to all that now, our newspaper here just reported that the Düsseldorf gallery has already been requisitioned, which pains my very soul. Is it really true? [12]

|451| Shylock is haggling left and right with respect to his employment [13] — Our neighbor, the president, told me that Paulus was willing to accept an abatement of one half here and had thus appealed to him in that regard. The president told him he should wait and see what develops, since nothing really had been said about it yet. He said he had never seen a person more fearful and anxious and that his Jewish nature had emerged in its entirety. Paulus himself says he wants nothing more than to be able to retire here or there — and to settle in Studtgard and write reviews, I would add, for I, too, do not really believe he will be staying here even though he will doubtless not be sent away unless — as the wife of the Herr President believes — he should be of no more use here and be sent to a Protestant pastorate. [14]

The way things are developing here, it sooner seems the Protestants will not be leaving. [15] — In his speech the day before yesterday for the prince’s birthday, [16] Samhaber maintained that, among others, three things would be desirable, namely, the maintaining of the freedom of press and academic freedom, a Protestant department of theology and worship, and the return of jurisdiction [17] — the speech will be published, albeit with not inconsiderable qualifications and provisos and modifications. The prince elector told Seuffert, “You have two Protestants in the court judiciary; surely they will not be leaving as well?”

[Business matters. Sturz.] Schwarzkopf from Frankfurt was here; he visited me as a countryman — even though I never knew him personally — and probably also as the spouse of Sophie Bethmann. [18] He was very sorry to find that you were not here as well — something he did, however, already know, my dear Herr Frizzyhair — He accompanied me to the theater, where he had a seat in our old loge, and I in one on the other side of Seuffert, where I sat together with Montjoye from Bamberg and Vechenbach from here. [19] Köhler was my Cicisbeo. [20] At first the gentlemen could simply not figure out who I might be, and |452| afterward generously held forth to Köhler about the consummately charming nature and esprit [21] of your wife. Schwarzkopf is rather dull and worn out, sitting there full of curiosity and bits of news and viewing the entire world only in the form of a genealogical calendar. [22]

Endres tells me that the professors in Landshut are terribly plagued by billeting, and that Breyer had to pay 10 fl. in a single week for his. [23] (Sturmfeder also has the measles.) [Hufeland’s financial affairs.] [24]

Another review by Schleiermacher appeared in the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, under his name, on the deceased Jenisch. [25] Did Eichstädt not write to you? [26]

When I was on my way to the theater, the professors were just coming out of their dining room with tachi along with their madam spouses, brightly illuminated — some of them went on to the see the play. [27] Old Madam Siebold was wearing a brand new sled harness. [28]

Please make me list of those to whom I am to send cards and let me know whether to send them in your name as well — and what on earth I am to do with Zirkel, whether I ought to lead him around in a circle, that is, keep giving him promises right up to the end without keeping them, or instead go ahead and visit him and set right in three minutes all the sins you committed in three years. [29]

Oh, you sweet, dear heart — when will I again be able to keep the devotion at the heart of my lord!? But were you really hoping that I would be enduring it thus?

Just as I am writing this, Schwarzkopf comes again — as did your letter of May 5, [30] which I am still holding close to my heart — but I am apprehensive that you still had not received my letter of the 1st on the 5th. [31] The maidservant immediately told me that the secretary had told her: “So, is she coming as well?” So perhaps he just left it lying there until the 2nd. If I but knew for sure. [32]

|453| Ah, it is absolutely impossible by Ascension Day — but I will be leaving on the Monday or at latest on the Tuesday after that. [33] [Maidservant.] [34]

Please send me the application for the compensation immediately. Wagner believes it can be directed to the endowment office, then it would come to him immediately. Seuffert is planning on speaking with Lurz himself. Just imagine, a few days ago the latter was passing by and saw me at the window, stopped in the middle of the street, chapeau-bas and with his sword, [35] haranguing me and requesting permission to pay a visit. At 12:00 he then really did show up, though I was just then in my bath and all the doors were shut. Wagner said I should not make the application to him in person, or at least not just in person. [36]

My most, indeed unspeakably beloved friend, please do remain favorably disposed toward me, and be not fearful, just a bit patient yet. God willing, there will be no problem with the money, [37] but I do not want to have any debts left behind here unless perhaps to Klein, to whom you might send a few words even though I have not yet mentioned him.

Stay well; I have your picture before my eyes.


[1] On 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407). Back.

[2] Presumably that from Schelling to Caroline on 1 May 1806 (letter 406). Back.

[3] Arrangement in French in original. Back.

[4] The reference is to the time Caroline needs to prepare to depart for Munich. See esp. her letter to Schelling on 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407), note 4. Back.

[5] At issue is Schelling’s future position in Bavaria. In her letter to Schelling on 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407), Caroline had written that “it does seem to me that nothing is going to come of the Academy and that one must come up with something quite singular for you.” In fact, Schelling was indeed offered and accepted a position with the Bavarian Academy of Sciences and Humanities.

“Remain in Munich”: as opposed to their earlier and still active plans to journey to Italy or to the possibility of Schelling receiving an appointment at one of the Bavarian universities. Back.

[6] The Bayards (Terrail-Bayard) had met in Ansbach, which presumably accounts for their acquaintance with Meta and Johann Heinrich Liebeskind and Caroline’s opportunity to have communicated with them. Back.

[7] August von Kotzebue, Fanchon oder das Leyermädchen: Vaudeville in drey Acten, von Bouilly (Leipzig 1805), with music by Friedrich Heinrich Himmel. See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 9.


Caroline is mistaken about the date. The play was performed in the Würzburg theater on the prince elector’s birthday, 6 May 1806, rather than on 7 May 1806 (I. G. Wenzel Dennerlein, Geschichte des Würzburger Theaters von seiner Entstehung im Jahre 1803–4 bis zum 31. Mai 1853 nebst einem chronologischen Tagebuch und einem Anhang: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des deutschen Theaters [Würzburg 1853], 19).

Later in this present letter, moreover, Caroline mentions that on her way to the theater she encountered the professors who, also on their way to the theater, had just finished their celebratory meal mentioned in the cross reference above, which in its own turn followed the university’s earlier celebration during the morning hours of 6 May 1806. Back.

[8] On 28 February 1805, Friedrich Baron von Münchhausen had taken over the Würzburg theater, which his father-in-law, Count Julius von Soden, had opened on 3 August 1804 (I. G. Wenzel Dennerlein, Geschichte des Würzburger Theaters, xii, 7).

As Caroline points out, the play on 6 May 1806 was preceded by a prologue by Bonaventura Andres similar to that which he had already composed and delivered at Ferdinand’s initial visit to the theater on 2 May 1806 (for text and background to that prologue and visit, see supplementary appendix 407.2). Caroline’s implication is that Ferdinand had had quite enough of such prologues after experiencing that first one on 2 May, and had decided not to endure yet another at the performance of Fanchon. She is correct in supposing that Andres had composed that second prologue as well (I. G. Wenzel Dennerlein, Geschichte des Würzburger Theaters, 19). Back.

[9] Ansbach had become a Bavarian territory in 1806, with Prussia ceding Ansbach to Bavaria for Hannover, and Cleves and Neufchatel to France along with the Duchy of Berg (William R. Shepherd, “Germany and Italy in 1803,” Historical Atlas [New York 1923]):



[10] Kaspar Joseph Steinlein was indeed given his retirement that very month, effective 29 May 1806 (Friedrich Karl von Thürheim, “Bekanntmachungen. Einige Personal-Veränderungen bey der königlichen Kollegien zu Bamberg betreffend,” Königlich-Baierisches Regierungsblatt [1806] 24 [Wednesday, 11 June 1806], 202–2, here 202, dated from Ansbach on 29 May 1806). Back.

[11] During the early summer of 1806, Maximilian I had promoted Heinrich von Widder from the rank of legation secretary to that of royal Gubernial Rath in Innsbruck, allegedly for health reasons (“Beförderungen,” Königlich-Baierisches Regierungsblatt [1806] 24 [Wednesday, 16 July 1806], 247–48, here 247; Friedrich Müller, Briefwechsel. Kritische Ausgabe, Briefwechsel: Kommentar zu den Briefen 1773–1811, Werke und Briefe, 3:8, ed. R. Paulus, G. Sauder, E. Faul [Heidelberg 1998], 1478; map: Germany and Italy in 1806, from William R. Shepherd, Historical Atlas [New York 1926]):



[12] Caroline’s particular interest in this gallery is unclear and is not otherwise attested in previous extant correspondence, nor the reason for her lament, since she herself would soon be moving to Munich.

Concerning the geopolitical circumstances of this transfer, see her letter to Luise Wiedemann on 8–17 September 1803 (letter 381), note 8, and Adalbert Friedrich Marcus’s letter to Schelling on 30 April 1803 (letter 377c), note 3.

The collections in what is now the Alte Pinakothek in Munich underwent a complicated history beginning with

  • the nascent collection of Duke Wilhelm IV of Bavaria (1493–1550) of the Wittelsbach line in the early sixteenth century.
  • When that line died out in 1777, Prince Elector Karl Theodor of the Palatinate (1724–99) inherited the collection, eventually having it transferred to Munich in 1781.
  • After his death in 1799, (at the time:) Prince Elector Maximilian IV Joseph of Palatinate-Zweibrücken, who became king of Bavaria in 1806 as Maximilian Joseph I (1 January 1806), added his own Zweibrücken collection to that in Munich.
  • Then beginning in 1802 and 1803, the process of secularization associated with earlier measures taken by the Enlightenment-oriented Bavarian government received additional impetus through treaty developments, and the Munich collection received significant additions.

Caroline is here referring to the Düsseldorf gallery of Johann Wilhelm of the Palatinate, which had already been transferred to the previously mentioned Prince Elector Karl Theodor of the Palatinate in 1777 and in early 1806 was transferred to Munich as well on the initiative of Maximilian Joseph and Maximilian von Montgelas.

Concerning the history of the gallery and its complicated journey into the collections of the Alte Pinatkothek as well as the specifics of the transfer that Caroline is here lamenting, see supplementary appendix 408.1; see also the supplementary appendix on the Munich art gallery at the Royal Gardens arcade (representative gallery scene: Charles Le Brun, Die Galerie deß königlichen Pallasts zu Goblin [ca. 1720]; Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum; Museums./Signatur CRemshard AB 3.3):



[13] Shylock, the Schellings’ disparaging nickname for H. E. G. Paulus. See Schelling’s letter to Paulus on 13 March 1806 (letter 401a), also note 1 there, and Karl Eberhard Schelling’s letter to Schelling on 24 March, 6 April 1806 (letter 401b). Back.

[14] Concerning the immediate future of the Paulus family, see Dorothea Veit’s letter to Karoline Paulus on 23 February 1806 (letter 400h), note 1. Back.

[15] Eventually, essentially all did leave. Back.

[16] On 6 May 1806, not 7 May. See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 9. Back.

[17] In his account of this speech, which was delivered in Latin, Bonaventura Andres mentions nothing of these demands. See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 9. Back.

[18] Schwarzkopf, a fellow Hannoverian subject, doubtless long knew that it was through Sophie Bethmann that Philipp Michaelis, in a garden setting, was able to secure access to Friedrich Wilhelm II of Prussia in securing Caroline’s release from prison in July 1793 (see Caroline’s letter to Friedrich Wilhelm and Luise Gotter on 13 July 1793 [letter 131], note 1, and Luise Wiedemann’s account in her Erinnerungen, pp. 81–82) (representative illustration: Marie Thérèse Martinet, Madame Gertrude [ca. 1770]; Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum; Museums./Signatur MTMartinet AB 3.17):


Caroline seems not to be aware that Sophie Bethmann died five days later, on 14 May 1806; nothing seems to be known about the cause of her death. Back.

[19] Uncertain identities, in any case hardly Georg Karl Ignaz von Fechenbach; other Fechenbachs (Vechenbach) lived in Würzburg, but without more information no certainty is possible. “Montjoye” is possibly Johann Nepomuk Simon Count von Froberg-Montjoye (1763–1814), Bavarian general-major and general adjutant. Back.

[20] Italian, the professed gallant and lover of a married woman (Carlo Goldoni, Opere complete, vol. 1, Commedie die Carlo Goldoni [Venice 1909], 275):



[21] Fr., “spirit; intellect; understanding; wit; disposition.” Back.

[22] Schwarzkopf himself died in Paris not two months later, on 1 July 1806. Back.

[23] Erich Schmidt, (1913), 2:655, wonders whether “Endres” might not simply be an incorrect spelling of Bonaventura Andres; the Würzburg canon Johann Nepomuk Endres (1731–91) had already been dead for quite a while. A certain Anton Endres in Grossenbardorf since 1800, a tutor with Count von Sturmfeder from Stuttgart, is mentioned in the Address-Kalender vom Grossherzogthume Würzburg (Würzburg 1810), 131; he reappears in 1810 after having turned down an appointment in Würzburg as a professor of church history and law. The Sturmfeder Caroline now goes on to mention is presumably the same that this Address-Kalender associates with Anton Endres.

Otherwise Caroline is referring, as elsewhere, to the complicated troop movements associated with or set into motion by the Treaty of Pressburg. Here a short summary of Landshut’s status (ca. 75 km northeast of Munich; Neueste Post. Karte von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Laendern, ed. T. Molls [Vienna 1805]; text: Franz Dionys Reithofer, “Denkwürdige Geschichte der Stadt Landshut in Baiern im dreyssigjährigen Kriege, Fortsetzung” (installment 2 of 9), Münchner Miscellen zum Nutzen und Vergnügen für alle Stände: zur Mittheilung inländischer Nachrichten, und guter Vorschläge, Weckung des Lesegeistes, und Volksbelehrung 2 [1810] 27 (Friday, 6 July 1810), 401–6, here 402–3; illustration: Taschenbuch für das Jahr 1808: Der Liebe und Freundschaft gewidmet):


The nineteenth century set out on its initial course with a profusion of wars and treaties that were nothing more than ceasefires under which, with sad regularity, Bavaria, and especially the town of Landshut, more or less had to suffer. No sooner were the wounds healed that were inflicted during the war of 1800 than a new war between Austria and France, underwritten by English money, brought a whole new chain of war burdens and tribulations upon our impoverished town.

Although Landshut did indeed avoid the misfortune of providing the immediate setting for the operations of war as was the case five years earlier, neither could it speak of having enjoyed good fortune, since it suffered all the same from the passage of the Austrian and French armies, from requisitioning by both armies, from the imposition of bank bills, from disease introduced by the 19,235 Austrian and Russian prisoners of war, which created countless widows and orphans, from increased tribute, from permanent billeting, and from the inflationary price of grain. The Sardanapalian [after Sardanapalus, alleged last king of Assyria, notorious for his wealth and sensuality] and wholly sybaritic lifestyle of the general staff created enormous difficulties for the entire community. Between 7 September and 31 December 1805, Landshut and its castle quartered and fed:

54 generals, 345 staff officers, 3746 subalterns, 64,709 non-commissioned officers and general soldiers, as well as 91,258 prisoners of war along with 17,447 horses.

The permanent quartering of one French division lasted from March 1806 till the end of September [the period to which Caroline is here referring], when the war with Prussia broke out. During this year alone, after the withdrawal of imperial French troops, i.e., from 1 October till the end of 1806, quartering and food was provided for:

101 officers, 4 employees, 4691 soldiers, 202 domestics, 35 women, 15 children, and 689 horses.


The burdens brought on by the war pushed many families to the brink of ruin, and although many houses were put up for sale in town as a result, most found no new buyers because those interested in such purchases did not have sufficient funds themselves. Back.

[24] It may be recalled that Gottlieb Hufeland’s wife, Konradine Luise Hufeland, was Luise Wiedemann’s sister-in-law.

Concerning Hufeland’s debts, see Clemens Maria Tangerding, Der Drang zum Staat: Lebenswelten in Würzburg zwischen 1795 und 1815 (Cologne 2011), 111–13:

At the end of 1805, the “neo-Würzburg” jurist Gottlieb Hufeland wrote to his publisher Georg Joachim Göschen in Leipzig:

I must confess that a rather extensive journey and unexpected circumstances and changes in its wake have severely depleted my funds, making an influx most desirable, perhaps when my manuscript is delivered, or at least immediately after publication is complete, particularly considering the events that may yet take place.

The debts Hufeland had accrued in Jena must have been considerable indeed, since he was in fact drawing a handsome salary in Würzburg. Yet even that salary seems not to have sufficed. Gottlieb Hufeland changed professional positions more often than any other professor that has been examined here. He had come to Würzburg in 1803, and when in 1805 yet another governmental change was announced, he decided to accept an appointment at the university in Landshut, and then soon thereafter transferred to the Humboldt University in Berlin. There, too, his stay was rather short, and he accepted the position as mayor of his hometown, Danzig, an office he kept from 1808 till 1812. . . .

(William R. Shepherd, “Germany and Italy in 1803,” Historical Atlas [New York 1923]):


Katja Deinhardt, who recently traced the “demise of the university” in Jena, has shown why so many professors from Jena made themselves available for the university reform project in Würzburg. In particular, “the rising cost of living throughout Germany could not but encourage the decision of various Jena lecturers to turn their backs on the university with its explicitly low basic pay and thus also on the town itself” (Katja Deinhardt, Stapelstadt des Wissens: Jena als Universitätsstadt zwischen 1770 und 1830 [Cologne 2007], 306). Back.

[25] The Jenaische Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (1806) 101 (Tuesday, 29 April 1806), 193–200, was completely taken up by the long and grand review, signed by “F. Schleiermacher,” of Daniel Jenisch, Kritik des dogmatischen, idealistischen und hyperidealistischen Religions- und Moral – Systems, nebst einem Versuch Religion und Moral von philosophischen Systemen unabhängig zu begründen, und zugleich die Theologen aus der Dienstbarkeit zu befreien, in welche sie sich seit langer Zeit an die Philosophen verkauft hatten (Leipzig 1804) (reprinted in Aus Schleiermacher’s Leben 4:615–24). Back.

[26] Presumably concerning reviews for the Jenaische Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung. Caroline did not publish another review (her final) in that journal until May 1807. Otherwise see the section on Caroline’s and Schelling’s anonymous contributions to the Jenaische Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung. Back.

[27] See above concerning the date of this university professors’ meal and the ensuing theater performance. Concerning the tachi reference, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407), note 27. Back.

[28] Presumably an unkind slight quite in keeping with Caroline’s penchant for such metaphorical references, e.g., earlier to Madam von Reden as being “quite sweet, adorned from head to toe like a royal maternity bed” (letter 47) or later to Madame de Staël, whose “external appearance is transfigured by her inner soul and is indeed in need of such, for there are moments — or rather clothes — when she looks quite like a sutler ” (letter 428).

Caroline is presumably alluding to (exagerrated? specifically Bavarian?) shoulder and neck ornamentation similar to what the woman is wearing in this seventeenth-century illustration (Jan Snellinch, Kleidermode [ca. 1625]; Herzog August Bibliothek; Museums./Signatur Graph. A1: 1175):



[29] Caroline, of course, playfully engages the pun on Zirkel’s name, viz., Zirkel, “circle.”

The nature of Schelling’s relationship with him is unclear, though Zirkel had authored a book of sermons together earlier with Franz Berg about the “duties of the higher and enlightened estates concerning the civil disturbances of our age” (i.e., the French Revolution), Predigten über die Pflichten der höheren und aufgeklärten Stände bey den bürgerlichen Unruhen unserrer Zeit (Würzburg 1793). A memoriam after his death (Johann Martin Gehrig, Gregorius von Zirkel: Bischof zu Hippen und Weihbischof zu Würzburg: Ein Beytrag zu dessen Charkterschilderung [Bamberg, Würzburg 1818], 8) remarks that

even his predictions came true. “Well,” he said when the philosophical systems of Kant, Reinhold, and Fichte were the order of the day, “now philosophy will be tending toward pantheism,” and behold, Schelling appeared, who divinized nature and attributed life to the stars and a presentiment of the future to magnets. Back.

[30] Not extant. Back.

[31] Caroline’s letter of 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405). Back.

[32] Uncertain reference; it seems Caroline suspects that the secretary had not sent her letter as soon as she had intended. Back.

[33] In her letter to Schelling on 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407), Caroline concluded with the following:

I am expecting yet another letter from you that I might announce the auction perhaps for the 16th; Ascension Day is the 15th. I must celebrate Pentecost with you, O you my Holy and Most Holy Spirit.

See also note 55 there.

The Monday and Tuesday following Ascension in 1806 were 19 and 20 May. Caroline seems to have departed Würzburg on 20 May 1806 (possibly 22 May; some uncertainty obtains), arriving in Dachau then on 24 May, where Schelling was to meet her (Almanac de Gotha pour l’année 1806; map: Neueste Post. Karte von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Laendern [Vienna 1805]):



(A. von Coulon, Post-Karte von Baiern [Munich 1810]; Bibliothèque nationale de France):



[34] Caroline mentions Schelling’s attempts to secure a maidservant in Munich in her letter to him on 4–5 May 1806 (letter 407). Back.

[35] Fr., from mettre chapeau bas, “take off one’s hat in salutation.” Back.

[36] See Caroline’s letters to Schelling on 9–10 May 1806 (letter 409) and 15 May 1806 (letter 413); the issue seems to involve compensation or reimbursement for furniture in their apartment (Georg Friedrich Kersting, Blick in ein Wohnzimmer; Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden):


Friedrich Wilhelm von Hoven mentions Johann Baptist Lurz in the Biographie des Doctor Friedrich Wilhelm von Hoven: Von ihm selbst geschrieben und wenige Tage vor seinem Tode noch beendiget, ed. Andreas H. Merkel (Nürnberg 1840), 187:

Although my relationship with the director of the receptorate, von Lurz, was not really that of a close friendship, I did respect him, despite his many peculiarities, as an upright man; and because I had considerable contact with him, I was pleased to have him as a friend and patron, as which he did indeed act at every opportunity. Back.

[37] In her letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May (letter 405), Caroline had assured him that

I can tell you with absolute certainty that the furnishings will bring in considerably more money [from her anticipated auction] than is needed to cover the debts, and that the money from Krüll would not have been necessary.

Philipp Krüll, Schelling’s publisher in Landshut, had apparently advanced Schelling some money.

Caroline does indeed hold a quite successful auction of home furnishings and household items on 16 and 17 May 1806 (see her letters to Schelling on 15, 17, and 19 May [letters 413, 415, 416]) (Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 8 [Vienna 1782], plate 24):



Translation © 2018 Doug Stott