• 407. Caroline to Schelling in Munich: Würzburg, 4–5 May 1806 [*]
[Würzburg] 4[–5] May [1806]
|443| What harmony, my good friend! I presented it to you quite without conditions, and you now most kindly give me leave to come at will. [1] Now I do indeed also hope we will soon be together again.
That broad stretch of Bavarian countryside beginning at Ansbach that you found so considerable will be easily enough traversed. [2] Although I really have already presented the first plan to Madam Liebeskind, I have as yet received no answer and can still arrange things however I want, though traveling by way of Augsburg will extend things into the third day. [3]
There is, however, still sufficient time to settle on details, for, dear heart, you did not read carefully enough. I did not presume that I could be ready at the end of 3 days, though at the end of 3 days I could no doubt be really exhausted; [4] instead, I indicated to my lord (my Cid) [5] and friend |444| that I need more than 3 days to pack, wash, and sell things, though everything can indeed happen in 14 days.
I am very pleased that you intend to send the petition; I was already in a bit of an embarrassing situation with that. [6] —
Yet another example of harmony! Yesterday morning I told Klein that there is a house on the Max Joseph Square, and “if only it might occur to Schelling to rent there.” And that afternoon you write to me about precisely that. Is it not no. 10? But 5 fl. without meubles and without tapestry? [7] That is a lot. [8] [Business matters.]
Do you also intend to hire a maidservant for me there, my dear? Let us see whether she turns out to be prettier than those among my own choices whom you reproach. I could say that I wanted to bring a manservant along for you, namely, the one who fell so in love with your beard, but since we do not know how they will provide for us with respect to salary, it is probably best to consider this later.
(During midday I read in Pater Abraham.) [9]
My dearest friend, do not worry, I am well and frightfully content. I have two letters from you, hence I know everything you have written me, but admittedly no more than that. But since I do know that you think of me with love, I know enough. [10]
It does seem to me that nothing is going to come of the Academy and that one must come up with something quite singular for you. But I have no interest in racking my brains over this now in absentia and will instead simply accept things however you have arranged them and have been able to arrange them. [11] You could insinuate to them that they might save a bit with respect to Mannert, Martini, and Paulus and instead put it toward you, my precious one.
As already mentioned, one M. will be staying, perhaps the other as well, [12] for the trustee, whose hand always trembles while pointing something out, and not, as does a certain other, because of the fire of |445| youth, [13] — the trustee pointed out to me that the minister of His Royal Highness [14] harbors the most noble and moderate sentiments, sentiments one merely needs to cultivate. —
Even the prince elector is allegedly more interested in the university than in any of the other positions in the territory and for that reason has read all the reports that have been submitted. He, the trustee, allegedly drew the minister’s attention to the Protestant professors, to which the minister responded that to his knowledge there would be absolutely no queries concerning religion even though one admittedly did not wish to hire any more and that Viennese interests might also have to be considered. [15] Wagner responded by suggesting that if it might be arranged for Austrian Protestants to study here, then the two professors Martini and Paulus would not be superfluous, [16] a notion that he did seem to find cogent. —
From the rest of what Wagner had to say, I could see that he had also related this to these others. We had coffee together, something to which she [17] had invited me for the morning in the Royal Gardens [18] in order to see the prince’s children arrive there; [19] so he was speaking quite in confidence. If these people really are able to remain in Würzburg, then it is not particularly urgent that one deal with them. Everyone wishes good professor Martini well, no one bad professor Paulus. Have you done nothing with respect to the projected letter to the latter? And are you also writing home, or should I do that? [20]
The weather is delightful, something in which the Würzburgers certainly have no lack of pride, and something also evident in the stupid accounts in the newspapers and chronicles. [21] There is nothing worse than Andres’s Chronik and a prologue he wrote maintaining that the new prince is kneeling down on “believing knees” — on “dirty ones,” I would sooner say. [22] He wears red trousers and vests with long pockets, |446| not really scarlet, but dark red, and a chalk-white coat. [23] I saw him today on the balcony, where he watched the citizens’ parade. Again an unbelievable crush of people, te deums in all the churches, and several cannon shots that neither banged nor particularly resounded.
This evening the illumination will take place. The lamps are already positioned before our windows. [24] All the residents from the rural areas around Würzburg have assembled here, and for the first time these streets are alive. Since someone learned that insinuating or offensive remarks against the Bavarians might appear among the illumination slogans, however, the director of police imposed censorship, and commissars then went from house to house removing many of the slogans. [25]
Indeed, can you imagine that our pathetic Herr Pickel, for whom, after all, the presence of the Bavarians provided only the most excellent advantages, had put up such a verse on some gadget with a depiction of the citadel from which electric cannon bursts are being fired, with words approximately to the effect: “They took powder and artillery along with them, but let out all the air.” [26]
There is a most vile element running through these people’s veins. People at the top vehemently protest these utterances and are eager to have peace with their neighbor. —
The university will also have some sort of celebration, deliver some speeches, and be bored — indeed, the gentlemen are intent on going one step further and, on the same day, having a proper meal with tachi! [27] [News about the Sturz family.] [28]
Our friend Klein has really become utterly disheartened now that he realizes he will not be seeing you again for the time being; he could probably be consoled if only I were not going as well. He intends to come to Munich this autumn, indeed, as far as Rome. [29]
I see that the Oberdeutsche Litteraturzeitung is using the same old tactic; it behaves exactly like the Austrians, always clinging to the old tactics even though doing so enables the enemy to conquer one province after the other. [30]
|447| But do you think Röschlaub had a hand in this review of the Jahrbücher? [31] I read his new issue out of curiosity. [32] He is now clinging so tenaciously to the Bible that it seems to me he added absolutely nothing in that respect [33] — other than, once again, what he only has from you. He is a poor soul, and subjectively a bit crazy, for even if all that does make a certain amount of sense viewed from a certain perspective, all in all it amounts to nothing more than crazy ambitious striving; out of arrogance, he plays humble, and out of despair, submissive to God. One could say to him: “Be thou who thou mayest: a phantom, a spirit of hell, thou com’st in such venerable shape — that I will let thee go hither” — instead of, “I will answer thee,” or “speak to thee.” He wants nothing more ardently than for you to do exactly that so he can then really cut loose. [34]
Monday [5 May 1806]
I did not want to send this off until I could report to you that I successfully made it through the illumination festivities insofar as there was no conflagration, only a bit of a water emergency. For just as the prince elector was driving off followed by a whole suite of all the mobile conveyances that could be found here, [35] the sky suddenly blackened to exactly the same extent that this poor lump of earth or pile of stones was illuminated, whereupon a slight gust of wind and a gentle spring rain quickly extinguished all the carefully but poorly prepared fun. [36]
But even had that not happened, the town nonetheless emerged in all its ugliness, with the exception of only a few places, and then the clumsiness and tastelessness of the inhabitants on top of it all. The only things I enjoyed were the Greifenklau house, which burned with a single fire, [37] along with the chapel, [38] |448| and where on the [royal] garden wall the most magnificent flowers, especially roses, were concentrated so close together behind a series of lamps, and then also the house of the prince with white wax flambeax illuminated very simply and such that they were set up outside the windows on wooden candelabras. [39]
The Residence itself was dark. They did not spare the lord the narrowest alleyway where even the smallest sign of good will was burning; they had to drag themselves through this labyrinth all the way to the Zeller Gate, where they then turned around. [40] On the Mayn River itself, the baths and several ships were illuminated, though the bridge was dark. [41] It did not occur to anyone to put something like a large torch into the cup for the bishop, who had to hold the cup up to heaven while standing on the bridge.
The most festive part of the entire celebration was the throng of people spread throughout all the streets, the most crowded of which was the Domgasse; [42] what was strange was that even after they had basically deafened everyone incessantly with music, not a sound was to be heard that evening, when there really should have been music in every square. The only sound was a bit of artillery fire from the citadel. —
My particular fata [43] in all this were that although I rode about with the Schotts and Köhler, [44] after I had withstood it for about an hour I began feeling so ill amid it all that, when we had just arrived at our gate, I got out. [45]
At home I had arranged for the maidservant to keep watch in the upper étage, [46] and Spix was kind enough to stay in the rooms downstairs — and indeed there was not the slightest accident, and at 10:00 I found that our lamps had already all been extinguished. [47]
Spix learned from Bamberg that the administration had already heard favorable things about him, and that since the references attested this to an even greater extent, an order had gone out to the territorial administration to immediately ascertain the source from which he |449| could be paid further, and he will allegedly receive additional information very soon. [48] Yesterday evening while I was away, he read the thing by Röschlaub and is now even less able to understand him than am I myself. — He despises him without qualification.
Malchen from Bamberg, [49] who just paid me a visit, tells me that Count von Thürheim is in Ansbach after staying with Marcus for several days, and that the duchess is still in Bamberg but is furious at having had to vacate the residence. [50] There were some rather vehement exchanges between Count Thürheim and the duke’s marshal of the court when the latter found that the residence had not yet been vacated. The resolution came down that the general commissar is never again to have a seigniorial dwelling and that the castle at Ansbach is also to remain available. The count took with him all the seigniorial furnishings from the residence that had been made for him. —
Will the evangelist not have performed yet another fine service for the apostle insofar as the count is now suddenly supporting Paulus? [52] N.B. P[aulus] apologized yet again in writing for having not been present at the reception of the prince elector. [53] Wagner related this bit of news to me. His new logis was illuminated quite splendide. [54]
I am expecting yet another letter from you that I might announce the auction perhaps for the 16th; Ascension Day is the 15th. I must celebrate Pentecost with you, O you my Holy and Most Holy Spirit. [55]
Notes
[*] Answer (1) to the lost letter Schelling mentions in his letter of 1 May 1806 (letter 406), which he allegedly sent on 30 April and anticipated Caroline receiving, by his calculation in the letter of 1 May, on the evening of the third day, and (2) to letter 406 itself (“I have two letters from you“). Back.
[1] I.e., to Munich. Back.
[2] Although Caroline has not yet specified her route, she seems to have traveled to Munich by way of Ansbach and Augsburg; Ansbach is located ca. 85 km southeast of Würzburg, Munich another ca. 190 km south of Ansbach (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):
[3] Concerning the two plans, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April 1806 (letter 405). Back.
[4] In her letter to Schelling on 26 April 1806 (letter 403), Caroline had expressed herself ambiguously:
Just do not imagine, my love, that from the moment you write and tell me, “Come!” I will need not more than about 3 days or so to sell things, to pack things, and finally to depart; although I will then certainly hurry as much as possible, nonetheless for the sake of keeping things better organized — and for the sake of my health — I will not be overly hasty. Back.
[5] Spanish, “master, lord”; title given to the principle national hero of Spain, Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar (ca. 1040–99), famous for his exploits against the Moors. Also the hero of the Castilian epic poem El cantar de mio Cid. One wonders about the nature and extent of Caroline’s familiarity with the epic.
Here the Cid takes leave of Ximena, who protests quite in keeping with Caroline’s sentiment: “King of my soul! lord of my bosom! stay! / Oh, whither go’st thou? leave me not, I pray!” (George Dennis, The Cid: A Short Chronicle, Founded on the Early Poetry of Spain [London 1845], 60):
[6] Uncertain reference, though apparently in connection with the university endowment office in Würzburg; see Caroline’s remarks to Schelling in her letter to him on 9–10 May 1806 (letter 409). Back.
[7] Meubles, Fr., “furnishings.” Back.
[8] The Max Joseph Platz, named after the former prince elector and current (and first) king of Bavaria, Maximilian I, was a relatively new development in the heart of Munich, having been created after the former Franciscan monastery on the site was demolished in 1802 to make room for an anticipated national theater, which was then begun in 1811 and finished in 1818; see below.
Caroline is here referring to the 15th Beylage (supplement) to the Königlich-Baierische Staats-Zeitung von München (1806) 99 (Saturday, 19 April 1806), n.p., under “For Rent”:
At the beginning of May [1806], several handsomely furnished rooms will be available at the house at Max Joseph Square no. 10 to rent either together or separately by the month. For further information, inquire on the ground floor.
At house no. 10 on Max Joseph Square, the apartment on the second story, consisting of 6 rooms, a large kitchen, a cellar, and handsome furniture will be available for a commitment on a monthly basis, without furniture on a six-month basis, and available for immediate occupancy. For details, inquire on the ground floor.
Schelling seems indeed to have inquired in person concerning either or both of these apartments (he apparently quoted the rent in his letter to Caroline, which is not listed in the ad), and was in any case staying just around the corner from the location, at Weinsstraße 10; see Caroline’s letter to him on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 15.
Here the square on a map of 1803, just before Caroline arrived, albeit without streets and squares yet being identified (Johann Michael Schramm, Grundriss der Churbaierischen Haupt- und Residenzstadt München [München 1803]; Münchner DigitalisierungsZentrum Digitale Bibliothek):
Here on a later map the location of Max Joseph Square at center right; the address 10 just to its left; the Frauenkirche at left, and Schelling’s inn to its right (illustration: H. Widmayr, Plan der Königl. Haupt-und Residenz-Stadt München im Jahre 1837 [München 1837]):
The apartments in any case could, depending on their location in the building, have windows facing the Max Joseph Square (Münchner Polizey-Uebersicht [1805], xxv and xxvi [Saturday, 29 June 1805], n.p., plate xxvi):
[9] Uncertain allusion, i.e., whether Caroline read Abraham a Santa Clara himself or the portrayal in Schiller’s play Wallenstein, or whether she is referring to someone else entirely through a private designation she and Schelling understand. Back.
[10] See Schelling’s concluding lines to his letter to Caroline on 1 May 1806 (letter 406). Back.
[11] Concerning Schelling’s future position, see his letter to Georg Friedrich von Zentner on 19 January 1806 (letter 400d); the position with the Munich Bavarian Academy of Sciences and Humanities did materialize after all. Back.
[12] In order: M[annert], who in 1807 went to Landshut, and M[artini], who in 1807 went to Altdorf (A. von Coulon, Post-Karte von Baiern [Munich 1810]; Neueste Post. Karte von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Laendern, ed. T. Molls [Vienna 1805]:
See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405) concerning professors who wanted and had even applied to stay in Würzburg. Back.
[13] Uncertain allusion. Back.
[14] This trustee seems to be Christian Johann Baptist von Wagner, the minister Georg Friedrich von Zentner, and His Royal Highness Maximilian I. Back.
[15] I.e., the interests of the (Catholic) Austrian court in Vienna.
Protestant professors in Würzburg were in an uncomfortable and uncertain position now that the Enlightenment-oriented Bavarian administration had been replaced by an Catholic-oriented Austrian one. See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 21 April 1806 (letter 402), note 23. Back.
[16] Both H. E. G. Paulus and Christoph David Anton Martini were rationalist Protestant theologians. Back.
[17] Presumably the wife of President Wagner mentioned above. Back.
[18] The Royal Gardens in Würzburg, part of the Residence Palace’s grounds, were located around and behind the Residence itself and just down the street and around the corner from Caroline’s apartment; here in 1832, Caroline’s apartment at bottom left (Kreishauptstadt Würzburg: Gemessen durch Carl Handwerk im Jahre 1832; Bayerische Landesbibliothek):
Concerning the gardens, see supplementary appendix 407.1. It was presumably from these gardens or in connection with this visit that Caroline saw Ferdinand on the residence balcony as she describes later in this letter. Back.
[19] Ferdinand III, a widower since 1802, had three children at the time: Leopold (1797–1870); Maria Luisa (1799–1857); and Maria Theresia (1801–55). They do not, however, appear to have arrived in Würzburg when Caroline suggests. The article “StaatsBegebenheiten: Der zweyte May,” Chronik des Churfürstenthums Würzburg, ed. Bonaventura Andres, 1 (1806), 8 (5 May 1806), 89–92, here 90, relates the following:
Toward 6:00 pm. [on 2 May 1806] His Royal Highness [Ferdinand] drove out to the Lustschloß [“castle or palace . . . where a Prince or great Lord only diverts himself in the agreeable Seasons of the Year”; Johann Christoph Adelung The New and Complete Dictionary of the German and English Languages, composed chiefly after the German Dictionaries of Mr. Adelung and of Mr. Schwan, 3 vols. (Leipzig 1796–99), s.v.] in nearby Veitshöchheim, and returned toward 7:30 p.m.; around the same time, His Royal Highness the Crown Electoral Prince Leopold arrived in the best of health.
On the evening of the 3rd [of May], His Royal Highness [Ferdinand] drove out to the fortress Marienberg around 6:00; the two princesses also arrived this evening in the best of health.
Perhaps Caroline is referring to the morning of 4 May 1806, when the children might have been presented to the public in some fashion. Back.
[20] Presumably a reference to the follow-up to Schelling’s letter to Paulus on 13 March 1806 (letter 401a) and Karl Schelling’s letter to Schelling on 24 March and 6 April 1806 (letter 401b). Back.
[21] Concerning these weather considerations, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 45. Back.
[22] The reference is to the Chronik des Churfürstenthums Würzburg, ed. Bonaventura Andres, 1 (1806), which had published seven issues by 3 May 1806, the day before Caroline is here writing, chronicling not only items of general interest in the town, but also and especially the anticipation associated with the arrival of the new prince elector on 1 May and the attendant celebrations on that and the following days, some of which have already been documented in the annotations to previous letters.
The reports and accounts of the arrival and celebrations are indeed written in an unremittingly ebullient, adulatory, and overtly fawning style. The reference here is specifically to the Prologue Andres composed as part of Ferdinand’s visit to the Würzburg theater on 2 May 1806.
Andres initially distributed the Prologue separately, then published it along with the account of the prince elector’s theater visit in the article “StaatsBegebenheiten. Der zweyte May,” Chronik des Churfürstenthums Würzburg, ed. Bonaventura Andres, 1 (1806), 8 (5 May 1806), 93–96. Although Caroline is here writing on 4 May 1806, this issue of the Chronik may have appeared on 4 May itself, or Caroline might already have seen a previously distributed copy of the Prologue. For the text and background to this piece, see supplementary appendix 407.2. Back.
[23] Similar perhaps to his attire in this portrait by Joseph Dorffmeister:
[24] The previously cited article “StaatsBegebenheiten: Der zweyte May,” Chronik des Churfürstenthums Würzburg, ed. Bonaventura Andres, 1 (1806), 8 (5 May 1806), 89–92, here 90–92, continues:
On the 4th [of May, the day Caroline is here writing], a solemn celebration of thanksgiving was conducted by in the High Cathedral by the episcopal vicarship, whither all the high aristocracy and positions were invited. Herr Suffragen Bishop Zirkel performed the high office, after which the singing of the te deum commenced amid the bursts of cannons and ringing of all the town’s bells. The spacious church was completely filled, and while the High Priest conducted the unbloody offering of the mass, countless thousands of goodwill prayers ascended to the All Highest petitioning blessings and good health for our most precious Territorial Lord and the entire archducal house of Austria.
Between 11:00 and 12:00 noon, the grand parade of the uniformed citizenry was held on the Residence Square, which was completely filled with spectators [including Caroline].
[Here in an early, 1720 illustration (Historisches Album der Stadt Würzburg. Zweiunddreissig photographische Ansichten, ed. V. Jos. Stahgel, introd. Franz X. Wegel [Würzburg 1867], illus. 15; see also Caroline’s letter to Julie Gotter on 12 March 1806 [letter 401], note 9):
On the balcony together with his family [i.e., the three children; see above], His Royal Majesty viewed all the corps of infantry and cavalry as they defiled by him, and an innumerable host of spectators, made even more numerous by the arrival of so many from outside town, greeted the prince with a Vivat! when he appeared and then again when he withdrew, and all eyes were fixed on the tender father surrounded by his amiable children, securing the bond of love even more tightly between him and the nation. At 12:00 visitation was announced.
(Representative illustration by Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, Kupfersammlung zu J[ohann] B[ernhard] Basedows Elementarwerke für die Jugend und ihre Freunde: Erste Lieferung in 53 Tafeln. Zweyte Lieferung in 47 Tafeln von L bis XCVI [Leipzig, Dessau, Berlin 1774], plate 33):
That night at 9:00, the public illumination commenced, a universal and most ardent display of joy that local residents organized quite on their own initiative prompted by the successful arrival of His Royal Highness, our Most Gracious Territorial Lord.
See below concerning the illuminations. Back.
[25] The Enlightenment-oriented Bavarians, who under Maximilian I had been allied with Napoleon in the most recent phase of the Third Coalition and the Treaty of Pressburg, August–December 1805 and who had governed Würzburg since 1803, had departed in late October 1805 much to the delight of the considerably more traditionally Catholic Würzburg residents. The Bavarians were, however, still French allies, and French troops were still stationed not only in Würzburg itself, but also in its territory. See Caroline’s letter to Julie Gotter on 12 March 1806 mentioned above (letter 401), note 9.
Ferdinand, arguably wisely, chose to cooperate with the French, even joining the Confederation of the Rhine organized by Napoleon. Back.
[26] As noted in Anton Chroust, Das Grossherzogtum Würzburg (1806–1814): ein Vortag (Würzburg 1913), 8–10, Ferdinand entered the town on 1 May 1806 “amid the ringing of bells and cries of rejoicing, since the Bavarians [when withdrawing from Würzburg back in late October 1806] had unfortunately carried off the cannons in the fortress that were normally used to greet the territorial lord.” Caroline writes similarly in her letter to Schelling on 1 May 1805 (letter 405): “I think they are trying to replace the thunder of the cannons with the pounding of drums, for everyone’s heart is broken that not a single cannon was left with which to proclaim this grand day.”
The medical Rath Georg Pickel lived directly on the route the new prince elector took during the evening carriage ride to view the honorific illuminations all over town (Caroline rides along in one of the ninety processional carriages as well; see below). Pickel lived just around the corner from Schelling and Caroline, at Franziskanergasse 158 (Vollständiges Adreß-Buch der churfürstlichen Haupt- und Residenzstadt Würzburg: 1806 [Würzburg 1806], 149); the prince’s route is indicated (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek):
[27] A Japanese sword with a long, slender, curved blade, also called jintachi, or “war” tachi, worn in a slung scabbard (rather than the girdle) ornamented with lacquer or pearl inlay by Samurai of high rank as court attire in feudal Japan (E. Hecker and O. Vogel, “Japans Eisenindustrie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Schwertfabrikation,” Prometheus: Illustrirte Wochenschrift über die Fortschritte in Gewerbe, Industrie und Wissenschaft, vol. viii.21 [1897], no. 385, 327–32, here 327):
University professors in late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth century Germany did not wear swords except on stylized formal occasions, though see Friedrich Adolf Ebert’s characterization of Caroline’s father, Johann David Michaelis, as (supplementary appendix 91a.1)
a man of impressive physical stature and bearing, dressed as a cavalier, clothes bearing the stripes of rank, in boots and spurs, sword at his side, a pompous gait, a proud countenance betraying both grand intellect and courage, fire in his eyes, which gazed so intently that one was disinclined to look directly at him for long – thus did he stride into the auditorium, the Bible under his arm.
Caroline’s metaphorical reference here is to the Würzburg professors’ desire to dine with or at least in celebration of the new prince elector in what would amount to full celebratory academic regalia. Concerning the university’s program and celebratory meal the following day (6 May 1806) in connection with the prince elector’s birthday, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 1 May 1805 (letter 405), note 9; Caroline mentions this tachi meal again in her letter to Schelling on 9 May 1806 (letter 408). Back.
[28] See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 1 May 1805 (letter 405). Back.
[29] The Schellings were still tentatively planning on journeying to Italy. See Karl Eberhard Schelling’s letter to Schelling on 24 March, 6 April 1806 (401b), note 3. It may be recalled that Schelling had first mentioned this possibility in a letter to his father on 28 May 1802 (letter 361a); see also note 12 there. Was Georg Michael Klein’s tentative plans connected with those of the Schellings? (William Shepherd, Germany and Italy in 1803, Historical Atlas [New York 1926]):
[30] A criticism, of course, of the Austrian military’s failures in the recent wars of the Third Coalition. Back.
[31] The review of Schelling and Adalbert Friedrich Marcus’s Jahrbücher der Medicin als Wissenschaft (1805) in the Munich Oberdeutsche allgemeine Litteraturzeitung (1806), 51 (29 April 1806), 808–14; 52 (1 May 1806), 817–23; 53 (3 May 1806), 833–41, criticizes even the preliminary announcement of the journal as being “aimless,” the preface as dallying, and then proceeds to tear apart the “aphorisms” of Schelling’s philosophy of nature. After accusing his philosophy of nature of trying to take over medicine as well, where it would further expand its “hegemony” in the science, the review continues (Oberdeutsche allgemeine Litteraturzeitung[1806] 51 [29 April 1806], 811):
As a way to contribute toward securing and safeguarding true knowledge and learning, we are obligated to speak with both seriousness and severity against the man who thus sets himself up as dictator and proceeds to disregard with contempt the majority of the most distinguished minds, and to expose his presumption and facile ideas. Back.
[32] I.e., of Röschlaub’s Magazin zur Vervollkommnung der theoretischen und praktischen Heilkunde (now bearing the two internal titles in 1806 Magazin für Physiologie und Medizin, Magazin zur Vervollkomnung der Medizin), “the latest issue” of which, as Caroline wrote in her letter to Schelling on 1 May 1805 (letter 405), “is allegedly already declaredly apocalyptic.” Back.
[33] The “Bible” here is presumably the writings of John Brown and the “Brunonian doctrine”, which Röschlaub was still vigorously defending in the 1806 issues of his periodical. Back.
[34] Caroline seems to cite from memory a passage spoken by Hamlet in Hamlet, act 1, scene 4, in his encounter with the ghost; in so doing, she (1) abbreviates and alters it and (2) offers her variation to suit the context. See her rendering alongside Wilhelm Schlegel and Caroline’s Shakspeare’s dramatische Werke, trans. August Wilhelm Schlegel, vol. 3 (Berlin 1798), 172–73, and Shakespeare’s original text (Shakespeare: Complete Works, ed. W. J. Craig [London 1966]; illustration: The Works of William Shakespeare, ed. Henry Irving and Frank A. Marshall, vol. 8, [London 1890]):
Sey du ein Geist des Segens, sey ein Kobold,
Bring’ Himmelslüfte oder Dampf der Hölle,
Sey dein Beginnen boshaft oder liebreich,
Du kommst in so fragwürdiger Gestalt,
Ich rede doch mit dir . . .Original Shakespeare
Be thou a spirit of health or goblin damn’d,
Bring with thee airs from heaven or blasts from hell,
Thou com’st in such a questionable shape
That I will speak to theeCaroline’s German
Wer Du auch seyst: ein Fantom, ein Geist der Hölle,
[ . . . ]
Du kömmst in so ehrwürdiger Gestalt —
Ich will Dich gehen lassen —
statt — ich will Dir Rede stehen, oder mit Dir reden.English
Be thou who thou mayest: a phantom, a spirit of hell,
thou com’st in such venerable shape —
that I will let thee go hither —instead of: “I will answer thee” or: “speak to thee.” Back.
Würzburg likely resembled the scenes below with virtually every window filled with spectators (anonymous, illustration of the procession of the oath of homage for Joseph I in Vienna [1705]):
[36] In his account of the processional, Bonaventura Andres relates that the prince departed at 9:00 p.m. and that unfortunately, around 10:00 p.m. “a small, brief thunderstorm produced a gust of wind and a bit of rain that extinguished some of the most beautiful illumination arrangements.”
As becomes clear, Caroline herself rode in one of the carriages following the prince on his circuit through the town of Würzburg to see the myriad illuminations in his honor. Concerning Caroline’s following remarks concerning the processional, see Andres’s complete account in supplementary appendix 407.3.
Here a similar archducal entry processional in Vienna earlier the previous century; Einführung dess Ertz Herzog Huetls; engraving by J. A. Müller after A. Altomonte (after 1740); Brown University Library, Digital Repository:
[37] Presumably Philipp Anton Count von Greifenklau, who owned the house at Rennweg 1 (Vollständiges Adreß-Buch der churfürstlichen Haupt- und Residenzstadt Würzburg: 1806 [Würzburg 1806], 21, 103), which the processional passed quite early on its route (Kreishauptstadt Würzburg: Gemessen durch Carl Handwerk im Jahre 1832; Bayerische Landesbibliothek):
[38] The Marienkapelle, or Church of St. Mary, on the market square in Würzburg; Caroline’s apartment location is at bottom (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]); Bayerische Staatsbibliothek):
Here a closer excerpt of the church and the prince’s route:
[39] Uncertain allusion; the prince’s quarters seem to have been what in 1845 was called the president’s quarters next to the Residence (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]); Bayerische Staatsbibliothek:
[40] The Zeller Gate was on the opposite side of the Main River; here the processional’s route in that district (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek):
[41] The Main Bridge, here from C. Heffner and D. Reuss, Würzburg und seine Umgebungen: einhistorisch-topographisches Handbuch (Würzburg 1852), 208:
The baths were installations along the Main River either on boats near the cargo crane or arranged in the river itself. Here the crane is indicated in 1845 near the bridge, along with bathing facilities fed by the Main River itself at lower left (the crane is so described in Carl Gottfried Scharold, Würzburg und die umliegende Gegend, für Fremde und Einheimische kurz beschrieben [Würzburg 1805], 120–21). The prince’s route across the bridge is indicated (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek):
See Carl Gottfried Scharold, Würzburg und die umliegende Gegend, 15:
Baths. During the hot summer months, one can take advantage of both cold and warm baths on two clean, conveniently arranged bathing ships situated beneath the cargo crane on the Main River.
[Late 18th-century engraving by an unknown artist:]
The entrepreneur and owner of these bathing facilities is Herr Customs Director Helmstädter, who also provides bathing guests with various refreshments on demand. Guests enjoy a lovely view from these bathing ships and can breath in the purest air.
For those who prefer bathing in the open Main River or wish to avoid the cost, the police have set aside specific, secure locations in the river itself, outside of which, however, public bathing is forbidden.
See the following remarks from Theodor Konrad Hartleben, who published a response to Scharold’s overall book in “PolizeyAnstalten. Beyträge zur Beurtheilung der Fortschritte und alten Mängel der StadtPolizey zu Würzburg — eine Kritik über Scharolds Beschreibung von Würzburg und der umliegenden Gegend [Wirzburg 1803],” Allgemeine deutsche Justiz- und Policeifama, ed. Theodor Konrad Hartleben 1 (Würzburg 1805), 1214–17, here 1216:
Baths. Such are set up on the Mayn River [as on the map above] and have recently greatly improved with respect to cleanliness, orderliness, and reasonable pricing. Secure bathing areas in the Mayn River itself have also been established in which appropriate measures [e.g., the requisite presence of rescue boats] now ameliorate the risk of dangers for bathers. Apart from summers, there are absolutely no public bathing facilities. Back.
[42] Here the Domgasse (Domstrasse), named after the cathedral located on it, in relation to Caroline’s apartment location (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; illustration from Ludwig Lange and Ernst Rauch, Original-Ansichten der vornehmsten Städte in Deutschland, ihrer wichtigsten Dome, Kirchen und sonstigen Baudenkmäler alter und neuer Zeit [Darmstadt 1832], n.p.; town hall at extreme left):
[43] Latin (plural), “fate, destiny.” Back.
[44] Concerning the Schotts, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), note 44. Back.
[45] The town gate closest to Caroline’s apartment was the Sander Gate, from whose general area she could have walked home only by a rather lengthy route; here with the prince’s route also marked (Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek):
Especially given her complaint about feeling ill or indisposed, she is almost certainly referring simply to “her” gate at the Old University complex itself, through which she would immediately enter the courtyard leading to her apartment (map: Friedrich Harrach and Leonhard Zertahelly, Plan Der Kreis-Hauptstadt Würzburg [München, 1845]; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek:]; [2] anonymous photograph; [3] illustration with gate at extreme left: Festschrift zur General-Versammlung des Bayer. Verkehrs-Beamten-Vereins am 20., 21. und 22. April 1895 in Würzburg [Würzburg 1895]):
Finally, here the view of the gate or portal into the courtyard of the Old University from the inside (Carl Heffner, Würzburg und seine Umgebungen: ein historisch-topographisches Handbuch, illustrirt durch Abbildungen in Lithographie u. Holzschnitt [Würzburg 1871], plate following p. 334):
[46] Fr., “story, floor,” here: the fourth or upper story of their apartment. See the supplementary appendix on the Schellings’ residence in Würzburg. The maidservant was to stay alert for illumination fires that may have gotten out of control. Back.
[47] By the rain? As mentioned above, in his account of the processional, Bonaventura Andres recounts that the rain started at 10:00 p.m., whereas Caroline has it starting earlier, indeed at 9:00 p.m., just as the prince departs Residence Square. Back.
[48] Johann Baptist Spix soon moved to Bamberg to practice medicine (“South West Germany and North Italy: The War of the Second Coalition 1798–1801,” The Cambridge Modern History Atlas, ed. A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, Stanley Leathes, and E. A. Ben [London 1912], map 88; [University of Texas, Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection]):
[49] Malchen (Amalie) not identified. Back.
[50] Concerning Karl Friedrich von Thürheim’s problems in Bamberg and presence in Ansbach, see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April 1806 (letter 405), in which she relates the following:
Did you know about how wondrously God arranged for Marcus to receive a new rélief? The Thürheims are living at his place; the duke came so quickly that the count was suddenly forced to vacate.
See note 24 there for an explanation of these circumstances as well as of Thürheim’s presence in Ansbach. Thürheim bore the title of general commissar. Back.
[52] In her letter to Julie Gotter on 2 January 1803 (letter 374), Caroline had written:
When we see each other in person again, we can laugh a bit about a different knot, namely, whether the father of the little boy for whom Paulus has to care and change diapers here is an apostle or an evangelist.
See note 16 there. To wit, Caroline is implying that the first “fine service” that Marcus had performed for H. E. G. Paulus was siring the latter’s son, Wilhelm, and the second now somehow ingratiating Paulus or otherwise currying favor for Paulus with Karl Friedrich von Thürheim, a “service” insofar as Paulus’s future was still unsettled; see Dorothea Schlegel’s letter to Karoline Paulus on 23 February 1806 (letter 400h), note 1. Back.
[53] The reference is to the reception of the new prince elector by university personnel on 6 May 1806; see Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 30 April–1 May 1806 (letter 405), with note 9. It may be recalled that H. E. G. Paulus had on 6 March 1806 been absent at the administration of the oath of allegiance to the new prince elector required of all state employees. See Caroline’s letter to Schelling on 21 April 1806 (letter 402), esp. with note 5 and note 23. Back.
[54] Logis, Fr., “house, dwelling, lodging, accommodations.” Splendide also in French in original. The location of the Wagners’ residence is uncertain. Back.
[55] Caroline did indeed hold the auction of household goods on 16 (and 17) May 1806 (see her letters to Schelling on 15, 17, and 19 May [letters 413, 415, 416]). Pentecost (Whitsun) fell on 25 May in 1806; Caroline seems to have arrived in Munich on 24 May.
Concerning the reference to the Holy Spirit, see Carolinen’s letter to Schelling on 12 May 1806 (letter 410), with note 4. Back.
Translation © 2018 Doug Stott