Letter 340

• 340. Caroline to Wilhelm Schlegel in Berlin: Jena, 11–14 January 1802

[Jena] Monday, 11 [–14] Jan[uary] [18]02

|262| It is rather depressing for me to think that only tomorrow will you be receiving what I wrote a week ago. [1] The postal service has never been as disorganized as this winter; everyone is complaining about it. Yesterday I received your last letter, from 5 January. [2]

The business about the four letters that were allegedly “en route”: That is a little white lie, my good friend. The one yesterday was the third, indeed, in reality the second, since the one before that cannot be considered anything more than a hollow nut.

But let us put that aside, and I entreat you in general to write every week, otherwise it causes trouble; I get impatient and then sick. On that subject, I am feeling fairly healthy just now and have merely had to get through several severe headaches caused by the trip, the cold weather, my great joy, and all the writing concerning, regarding, and about Ion. [3]

If any measures need to be taken there at the theater with regard to the author of Ion becoming known, and if since your last letter you have not had any more appropriate occasion, then I would advise you to do so immediately and without further ado. [4] We here have hardly even had the opportunity to reveal you as the author, and I least of all. Goethe also advised us to remain steadfast in denying it, except that, as I already told you, things have happened such that no one has any doubt now, and |263| you can be assured that Kotzebue has already taken that certainty back to Berlin with him and has intentionally not mentioned you to Unzeline. [5]

In the meantime, however, I am still hopeful that the ill consequences will not be so bad. He must take it on, they can prevent him from putting it off, and if Creusa and Ion perform well, he will not have the heart to make the play fail on his initiative. Truly, you should simply go straight to him and hold the dagger to this heart. He loves these theater coups, will weep innumerable tears, and then — accommodate himself.

Perhaps I can attend the first performance there. [6] But I cannot imagine it will be as gracious and delightful as ours here. Everything may well be put on more opulently and with more forceful colors, but probably not with these clear contours. For really, I would compare the performance here with one of the most beautiful Flaxmann pieces. [7] I fear most for Xuthus; you will find that Vohss is excellent in the role, and quite Greek. I imagine the director as performing the role more in the Dutch style. [8]

On Thursday Schelling submitted an account to Spatzier that I had composed. I would not under any circumstances have wanted to submit it under my own name. He will probably accept it from Schelling without reservation even though Schelling did remark to him that, since he was not the author, neither did he wish to be mentioned as the person who submitted it. It would not have made a particularly good impression had you yourself submitted the account, since you will doubtless very soon become publicly identified as the author of the piece, and someone would assuredly have beaten us to it had I sent it to you first.

If you are but now satisfied with it! A few more days’ time would admittedly have allowed it to be more fully developed. My headache hindered me even up to Thursday itself. [9] Schelling did away with the epistolary form I had initially given it |264| and in general teased me not a little because of my considerable affection for the piece and for everything connected with it, which was so obvious throughout. Indeed, I myself had to laugh at what a feminine appearance it had. Amid considerable mirth, we then removed the various all-too-tender traces of that tender hand. I think I may go ahead and enclose the brouillon for you. [10]

I suspect that especially the description of the costumes will not be precise enough for you. You yourself had described them much more precisely in your essay on The Brothers, but because I lack any knowledge of the technical terminology, I did not know what else to do. [11] Nor, in my experience, do additional details really make the description any more vivid, and are really necessary only if such costumes are actually to be imitated according to the description. One can, after all, later make up for what is lacking.

The temple was modeled after an old intaglio, but because it was too small, even in relationship to the theater, it tended too much towards the style of the English garden. [11a]


Gries was just here, and for the first time since Ion. Do you know why? — because his deafness caused him such despair in the theater that he began a serious cure for the first time and was not supposed to go out. What he did manage to hear and see made him so anxious to hear even more, and so crazy because of his own neglect, that he immediately threw himself into Himly’s arms. He found Mademoiselle Jagemann too cold; except for a few passages, I cannot really say that. One simply must praise her so that she wholly warms up. —

Becker made no secret of the fact to Gries that he wanted the role of Xuthus for himself. It was, however, really quite perceptive not to assign it to him. — |265| Mephistopheles also remarked that Madame Teller was extremely satisfied with the way he dressed her up as Pythia (a task he assumed with regard to everyone — though, I am guessing, not from the ground up), so much so, in fact, that they could not get her away from the mirror. [11b]

Schelling, who slept at Goethe’s house that night, [12] got into a conversation with Geist just before bed, asking whether he, too, had attended the theater? — “No,” he was unable, and was very sorry, for he had ample opportunity to perlustrate it while copying it out for Berlin and also transcribing the roles, and Herr Geheimrath allegedly went to such unimaginable lengths, indeed, a punch can allegedly work miracles, nor did Herr Geheimrath spare even this, [13] even taking each aside one after the other and pleading with them: “For God’s sake, in the name of the devil (my invention), you must perform this well!” [14] — Is that not splendid?

Gries had spoken with Schiller beforehand, who told him that he intentionally did not read even a single word of the play beforehand so that its impression on him might be completely fresh and pure. He is allegedly quite satisfied with it. He would perhaps be even more satisfied were he not so satisfied. [15]


12 Jan.

Because people in the know and those who understand the postal service confidently assure me that in these ill times, letters one sends on Thursday by way of Leipzig in fact arrive in Berlin as soon as those posted the preceding Monday, I intentionally did not send anything yesterday that I might include the program for you, which until this very moment was simply not to be had in any special printing, all efforts notwithstanding. [16] Schütz even managed to exercise a measure of courtesy toward |266| Schelling by loaning him his personal copy for perusal until the special printing, which had not even been arranged at the beginning, would be ready. [17] Indeed, Hufeland would gladly have loaned his copy to Tiek had he not had to surrender it to make the rounds such that even Hufeland himself did not get it back again until the end of the month.

In a word, it is not my fault if all of you there got it sooner, perhaps in the weekly issue of the Literatur Zeitung; as a matter of fact, I was planning to have the great pleasure of being the first to send it to you — all of you would no doubt have literally fallen on it out of sheer curiosity. It delighted all of us here beyond description, whereas there it will probably come across more polemically.

No one will be entirely satisfied with it, something of which the old gentleman was indeed obviously conscious. The naiveté with which some things are expressed in it does indeed contrast quite delightfully with the grander elements. At the last transition, he is simply unable to conceal the fact that this time, the undertaking did indeed press him rather hotly. [18]

Although I find the general comments good, one can certainly argue back and forth concerning the individual assessments. He would probably have praised Tiek more warmly had he not heard of the latter’s comments concerning Nahl etc. [19]Catel already told me that he took quite ill note of them. Madam von Wolzogen especially probably presented them to him in an extremely unfavorable light. That displeased him as an indiscretion on the part of the young man — but, indeed, to use them to pay back the artist is admittedly the old gentleman’s morgue. [20]

Just do not tolerate it there should they incite people against him in some unjust fashion. [21] Every line attests how sincere his intentions were, and that he “faithfully endeavored to comprehend both art and nature.” I maintain that ultimately he was thinking of the system of identity, since virtually nothing, not a single seed, falls on infertile ground with him. [22] |267| I was particularly pleased that ultimately he really did become quite coarse with Gareis without completely rejecting him, saying that “raw products of that sort also waste what little time even the artist spends on them.” [23]

Schelling took along your list of lecture attendees to him. He was sincerely pleased, remarking immediately with respect to Schadow — “Well, he certainly has need of it!”

I can immediately see from the playbill that the piece by Kotzebue is inferior. [24] Goethe praised one of his that is also to be performed here quite soon: Der Wirwarr, that is, praised in the fashion “if one does not make excessively rigorous demands, perhaps one can praise his illumination a very tiny bit.” [25] I hope Kotzebue will be able to see Ion soon, that is, when Mademoiselle Jagemann is able to sing again, for she has a terrible cough just now. His dearest Christel sat across from me during the first performance. Apropos, is not the simplicity of the playbill for Ion quite tasteful? [26]

At this very hour, you are perhaps occupied with reading my account. [27] I am expecting you to be quite good to me in return.


What you write about Friedrich should not really surprise me — it all falls under the rubric of Cervelat sausage and liqueure [28] — and yet it still pains me ever anew as if it were something entirely unexpected. You do not appear to be any closer or more cordial with him than here, which is a bad sign for him. I was hoping he would not drift away from you and Schleiermacher. —

What, given this Epicureanism, will now become of Plato? [29] Alas, wretched Friedrich! The nation seems to reckon him wholly among its people, and ultimately he allows himself to be supported by it. [30] I heard from the Frommans that he had some new |268| clothes made for himself when the suitcase took so long to arrive — perhaps Miss Levy paid for them. [31] Surely he is not going to Madam Herz, is he?

Julchen asked me to inquire whether Tiek frequently visits Madam von Humbold. So please do write and let me know, but do not betray her. [32] I for my part would like to know whether Madam Humbold has visited Madam Bernhardi; if not, then that speaks exceedingly ill of her.

What sort of foolery is that with Madam Sander? [33] I am, as usual, completely innocent, and it is merely that my name has been misused. You spoke about this quarrel once at dinner here — in person, not in a letter at all that I can remember. Luise probably mentioned it to Madam Vieweg again, something I can vividly imagine. [34] Madam Vieweg warned Madam Sander, since she imagines that Madam Sander loves, praises, and esteems her so very highly, in which capacity she then also sends extraordinarily flattering letters to her.

Now, however, I can but complain of Madam Vieweg yet again, and thus it goes, ever round and round in a circle. I am excessively put out that Madam Sander allegedly believes I am involved in such médisance concerning her. [35]

Thursday [14 January]

My head is burning, I did not sleep a wink last night, and heaven and earth have transformed themselves into numbers for me. See below for more and the enclosures. [36]

It is also cruelly cold, and not a single spot in the entire house besides your room genuinely gets warm enough for a person to be comfortable. I am convinced that we will need 30 or even 50 rh. less wood in a different apartment. [37] Given the configuration of the rooms and stoves here, the way the heat simply flies up the chimney is absolutely criminal. Just do not imagine that we ever lost any ourselves; particularly now, that possibility is completely eliminated. The stoves are the thieving culprits; we can see with our own eyes what escapes daily while we sit here and shiver like aspens. [38]

Day after day, a young gentleman comes and asks Mamsell Julchen to go for a sleigh ride, but the snow will probably not melt as quickly as does the silver. [39]

Today there is a grand pickenik at the Frommans, the noblesse of Jena and Drakendorf. [40] Although they did invite me to take part, I have been unable to overcome myself and go. I would have had to forget myself to an extraordinary degree in order to watch a dance here with forgetfulness. [41] I will instead send Julchen over along with my last bit of tea. The Pauluses do not seem to be attending. —

On the same day Schütz brought Schelling the theater program, Schelling also took his Journal to Paulus and was received with embarrassed and awkward devotion. [42] Just why Schelling brought it to him can be seen from the conversation; now he must not reprove the modest little dig. [43]

My friend, do whatever you must to get Fichte to tell Schelling the name of whoever informed him of that ridiculous stuff; [44] or at least to assure him — if, that is, he can do so truthfully — that it did not come to him through Paulus. It is weighing heavily on Schelling that Hegel, to whom he related what he had told you concerning Paulus, also [betrayed] his idea to make public something about Fichte’s departure that would free him and Niethammer from the eternal offense of being mentioned as those who left him in the lurch [45] — and weighing heavily on him that Hegel, his friend, to a certain extent also betrayed him to Paulus. Paulus would then have had no trouble turning precisely this explanation, which was supposed to support Fichte, into something against him.

In general, let me ask you to take time to write to me without being rushed; it is a matter of a couple |270| of hours that, since you have been back in Berlin, you still have not granted me. That is also precisely why you have neither responded nor given any attention to the request that Schelling made of you. [46] Your lectures doubtless take a great deal of your time; but all of it? You have probably spoken extensively with Fichte by now. Schelling wrote him such a cordial, warm letter that I would think Fichte would once again be on good terms with him. That letter brought to expression all the enthusiasm of the most sincere intentions. [47]

Do you not find the introduction to the Journal to be composed and written most excellently? [48]

Enclosed you will find a page with the Greek citations. [49]

Jacobs received such an advantageous offer for an appointment in Kiel that he was on the verge of leaving his patriarchal nest there in Gotha. But then he decided against it and now remains happily situated where he is. The duke gave him a position in the large library and an additional allowance of 500 rh. so that he now has 1200 rh. [49a]

Roose will probably also be staying, [50] but Herr Feuerbach is hastening off to Kiel in the same carriage that is bringing the jurist Thibaud here. [51] Apropos the Danes: [52] Möller is a wonderful person, but one hears nothing from Steffens. [53]

Madam Vieweg also recently expressed the following opinion. [54] She interrogated Luise about where I would be residing and where you were currently residing. Luise told her what she knew, to wit, that the Grattenauers had offered a room etc. “Oh? Not together? The Berliners will certainly have a lot to say about that.” [55]

I am relating this to you, darling, that you might also reflect on it a bit, since it had not yet occurred to me in the first place to wonder what the Berliners might say; that is your affair. [56] [Financial matters.]

Has anyone heard when Friedrich will be going to Dresden? [57] Madam is living here in the utmost obscurity. — I already wrote and let you know |271| that Tiek sent the manuscript of Kaiser Octavian. That will be magnificence itself. [58]

Goethe is still not yet here. [59]


I only just now received the program and am having to dry it off next to the stove. [60]

[Separate sheet, probably part of this letter.]

Listen up, my friend, and pay attention even though I will now speak of financial matters, something which, as I well know, is extremely vexing for you, which is also why I prefer to keep them at a distance of at least 40 miles from you. [61]

You know that I have called in the principal of 1000 rh. in Hannover. It will be paid out at the beginning of February. Well, this seemed like an immeasurable sum to me even though Philipp is to be paid from it — I thought I would take 7-league-boot strides with it and go ahead and also help Mother out (who is getting into an embarrassing position because of the lawsuit with Arnemann — who has not paid the interest for years now and who is the most despicable rogue — and would like to have a small sum in reserve); [62] indeed, I even promised to loan Schelling something at least until Easter that he might not have to work quite as fast and could do it all the better.

Calculations utterly into the blue! My thousand rh. are now no longer the infinite world, but rather merely a finite little globe. As the enclosed overviews show, they are hardly even adequate for the needs of the moment, which indeed made me afraid and anxious until, with the help of the perception of the eternal, I once again got hold of myself.

It seems to me that the great deficit derives more from the lack of |272| income, which for years now has inadvertently diminished, than from household expenses being incurred in dispersed and separate places.

For if my friend will consider that since the summer of 1800 I have cost him nothing — insofar as since that time I have provided a good 1500 rh. from my own money, namely, the 1000 rh. now and the more than 200 rh. along with interest I brought with me from Göttingen to Braunschweig — then he cannot say that circumstances have impaired his finances. [63]

You have the documentation for virtually all the money you have given me since then, not counting perhaps the money used for the journey to and from Bamberg, — but even if one also counts all this along with what in the enclosed papers is attributable to my personal expenses, what emerges is that you have received more from me than you have paid out for me and at my behest.

I make this remark, my splendid Schlegel (that is, my imperious Schlegel), [64] solely that I might, as is appropriate, defend myself against any accusations — for, moreover, ah, mon dieu: [65] if only I myself had a great deal that I might also give you a great deal! It is nothing more than that you do not inherit what we consume together. —

With regard to the future as well, I am confident you will earn increasingly more, that the ebb will indeed be followed by flood and that these capital expenses — which you, too, have had to make from your side — will not get us into financial distress. In my present circumstances, released from any responsibility for others, I really only have to reckon with the loss of annual interest.

Really, I originally was not thinking about coming away with more than 200 rh. at most from the 1000, except that I was hoping the remainder would extend further, e.g., that I would be able to buy some linens and cloth goods for the house, which are beginning to dwindle, also an additional 6 silver spoons and more comely table knives and |273| fork[s] for guests — and for myself, finally, and once and for all, instead of the usual makeshifts, a fur — item [66] quite frankly I wanted to expedite myself to Berlin without saying a word to you about it.

So, what is to be done now? My first response after the discovery was to cancel the trip to Berlin, which your mother also urgently advised, since my expenses are less here than in Berlin (even though my household arrangements and expenses are clearly excessive for only one woman, but, without knowing what your plans for the winter were, I had already gone ahead and hired a cook). But that is probably not what you desire, and to tell you the truth, nor do I, since my health is not really an issue. I do very much want to come and see you there and, if possible, be a credit to you to some modest extent insofar as I do not feel indisposed to being charming.

Hence please write immediately and tell me how best to arrange things. I have already looked around here for companions for the journey itself but have heard nothing as yet. Gries would go along if Tasso were not keeping him here. [67] There is no way at all for Schelling to come along at that time; and he himself does not have the money for it. [68]

. . . I cannot leave here before all the financial matters have been settled, hence will not be ready before the end of February, at the earliest mid-February. Whether I should also come later would depend on you. — We have announced from both sides that for that reason as well, I must come. — Or do you perhaps not want me to come after all, my good, dear, gracious friend? [69]

Have a careful look through the invoices, not merely a fleeting look as if you might burn your fingers doing so. You will then also see that I have gone to considerable effort to be frightfully clear and unequivocal. [70]

Received from Schlegel since the beginning of November 1801 [71]

left behind for me: 19 [Reichsthaler],12 [Groschen], — [Pfennig]
for sales of clothing and books: 12,2,6
received from Berlin: 164,3
[Total:] 195,17,6

My earned interest from Hannover: 33,12
Schelling’s portion of the Almanach: 14,6
[Total:] 243,11,6

Transpose 243,11,6

What Loder gave me for my brother in gr. money: 13,21,—
What I received in cash from Branschweig to pay out here: 12,18
[Total:] 270,2,6

Main expenses since early November 1801:

Paid for wine in Erfurt: 19,12
Having 4 shirts for Schlegel sewn: 3,4
Repairing 2 suitcases for him: —, 22
Invoice from the academic bookstore: 4,18 [71a]
With the Cabinetmaker: [71b]
frame for Schlegel’s picture: 1,18
Cost of sending picture to Hamburg along with glass: 1,12
Mirror frame and other incidental expenses: 2,13
Stove screen, frame with accessories: 3,18
Previous debt to Schelling: 47,8
[Total:] 85,5

Paid out toward firewood used since April 1801: 32,12 [71c]
2 pairs of short stockings for Schlegel: 1,4 [71d]
To the cooper for washing vessels and kneading trough: 5,— [71e]
Christmas for the two maids re: money, items, and cakes, also for
elderly Christiane: 7,9,3
Maids’ salary: 7,—,—
New Year’s monies for the various officiants: 2,—,—
Various postage, approx.: 6,—,—
[Total:] 146,6,3

For my household finances for 10 weeks: 60
[Total:] 206,6,3

The rest was (largely) paid out for having wood cut, laundry, [71f] lighting, smaller household needs, the trip to Weimar. Also included is what I owed Madam Tischbein and also a housedress for Julchen, also several gifts of knitted items for my nephews and nieces. For myself a foot muff with fur and a knitted woolen undergarment.

Ion genuinely did cost me over 7 rh. because I was forced to spend the night and did not want to have Schelling pay for the carriage this time, since he rode his own horse alongside on the way over so he could return later. Of the 6 loge tickets, I returned 2 and gave Carl one, who is making such a sincere effort to sell your books. [72]

Debts at the beginning of November 1801:

Firewood: 30 [rht]
Sugar and coffee in Braunschweig: 17
Wine: 20
one copper washing basin: 7,16
Rent: 45
For the cooper: 5
For Paulssen, approx.: 20
For Möllenbeck, approx.: 50
To Schelling: 47,8
[Total:] 242

In February 1801, Philipp gave us in louis d’or at 5 rht. [Reichstaler]: 400 rht.
Schlegel received for him from Hufeland [73] 9 louis d’or: 45 rht.
Hufeland still owes Philipp far more and is immediately to pay out all he can to Schlegel. Philipp wrote and told him this.

Received from Schlegel since his departure from Braunschweig at the end of February [1801], left behind for me: 19,3
through Wiedemann 3 louis d’or
from Cotta: 17,—
through Nicolovius: 163
Since his arrival in Jena 17 louis d’or: 97,1
[Total:] 296,4

2 September 2 louis d’or: 11,10
Weinbrunn 2 louis d’or: 11,8
on 16 September 2 louis d’or: 11,8
on 16 September 2 louis d’or: 11,8
received on 21 September: 2,5
In Weimar 8 louis d’or: 45,16
[Total:] 378,3

received up to the end of October: 378,3
of which the following was sent for Schlegel: 192,8

hence for me: 185,19

200 louis d’or
To be paid to my brother in louis d’or

rht. gr. — Louis d’or

at 5 rht capital from: 400,—,— 80 louis d’or
Interest from February 1801 till 1802: 15,—,—,3
Expenses for 1 piece of English furniture
Catten [cotton material for furniture],
Bitter oranges, herring, and the like: 25,—,—,5
What Hufeland paid out to Schlegel during the summer 1801: 45,—,—,9
What he will yet pay out, approx.: 47,12—,9 1/2
Loder has now paid me for him: 12,12,—,2 1/2
Hence comes to 545 rht. or 109 louis d’or

To Claproth in Göttingen remittance of a sum I had to borrow for only 1 to 8 years: 100,—,—,20
[Total:] 645,—,—,129

71 louis d’or remain

In addition, in Braunschweig there still must be paid in louis d’or at: 5 rht,6 gr.
to Moellenbeck: 56 [rt]

rht. gr.

to Moellenbeck 56
Apothecary: 9,3
Sugar and coffee during the summer: 17,—
Sugar and coffee received this winter: 9,21
For porcelain: 18,14 [74]
An invoice with the Jew largely for me, lace, clothing, scarves, finally also the dress for Julchen (also the dress for Caroline Tischbein): 66,4 [75]
Linen cloth for the house: 4,20
Further: partly in the way of received goods for the house such as
mahogany dishes and wine bottles and glasses, in part cash to be paid out here
to Madam Fleischer in February: 25,—

Music sent to Berlin [for Ion]: 9,10
[Total:] 216

Comes to about 41 louis d’or
Remaining from the 71 louis d’or above
N.B. 30 louis d’or
N.B. of these 30 louis d’or or 166 rht
6gr. ge [?] money I must still pay here at least for
firewood before my departure: 66 rht.,6 gr.
various other small invoices: 20
to Kilian 20

finally also for tea, 3/4 of which
went to Berlin
4 Carolin therefore: 26 rht.
[Total:] 132,6 gr.

34 rht remain for a fur


[1] Viz., her letter to Wilhelm of 4 January 1802 (letter 339). Back.

[2] Not extant. Back.

[3] That is, the trip over to Weimar for the performance of Ion: ein Schauspiel on 2 January 1802 (Post Karte Durch ganz Deutschland, ed. J. Walch [Augsburg 1795]):


Caroline had eaten and then remained overnight in the Erbprinz Hotel with Julie Gotter ([1] early-twentieth-century postcard; [2] a comparable dining experience at the Parisian Restaurant du Boeuf à la Mode in 1792):



They had returned to Jena on 3 January, where Caroline also had composed a review of the play (see below), quite apart from her letter to Wilhelm on 4 January. Back.

[4] Concerning Wilhelm’s wish to remain anonymous as the author of the play, see Caroline’s letter to him on 20–21 December 1801 (letter 336).

Friedrich Schlegel and Dorothea Veit seem to have played a significant role in his authorship becoming known both in Jena and in Berlin.

In Berlin, knowledge of his authorship could influence August Wilhelm Iffland’s decision whether to have the play performed, since he and Wilhelm had not been on the best of terms since the premiere of Hamlet in Berlin in Wilhelm’s and Caroline’s translation.

See Ella Horn’s essay on the background to the premiere of Hamlet in Berlin concerning the affair surrounding the troubled history of this performance of Hamlet as well as the progressively troubled relationship between Madam Iffland and her husband, August Wilhelm Iffland, on the one hand, and Wilhelm and Caroline, on the other. Back.

[5] August von Kotzebue had just traveled back to Berlin from Jena. See Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 20–21 December 1801 (letter 336), note 1. Back.

[6] Caroline would be in Berlin for the premiere of Ion on 15 May 1802. Back.

[7] Concerning John Flaxman, see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 16 November 1801 (letter 330) note 16.

Caroline is clearly thinking of the distinctly stylized drawings Flaxman did to accompany classics of Greek literature by Hesiod, Homer, and Aeschylus; here samples from Ernst Beutler, ed. John Flaxman’s Zeichnungen zu Sagen des klassischen Altertums (Leipzig 1910), plates xxxviii, l, cxxix, cxxxix:






[8] For the role of Xuthus in Ion, Caroline imagines the “director,” August Wilhelm Iffland — in contrast to Johann Heinrich Andreas Vohs in the same part in the Weimar performances — as being too “Dutch,” that is, lacking style. Michael Bernays, “Caroline [1871, December],” in Schriften zur Kritik und Litteraturgeschichte, vol. 2 (Leipzig 1898), 283–311, here 311, points out that Iffland was ill suited for a play whose disposition so closely approximated the style of antiquity. Concerning Vohs’s performance of the role, see Caroline’s review of the play in the Zeitung für die elegante Welt. Back.

[9] Caroline is writing on Monday, 11 January 1802; the preceding Thursday was 7 January 1802, and her review in the Zeitung für die elegante Welt appeared on the coming Saturday, 16 January 1802:



[10] Fr., “rough draft”; presumablly no longer extant. Back.

[11] Concerning Wilhelm’s review of Friedrich Hildebrand von Einsiedel’s play Die Brüder. Ein Lustspiel nach Terenz in fünf Akten (Leipzig 1802), see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 20–21 December 1801 (letter 336), note 52. For illustraions of the costumes in that play, see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 22 June 1801 (letter 322), note 28.

The colorized copper engraving by Friedrich Tieck depicting the costumes for the characters in Wilhelm’s Ion appeared in a review of the play as copper engraving 8 (albeit incorrectly listed as 7) in “Weimarisches Hoftheater: . . . Colorirte Darstellungen der antiken Costumes im Ion, wie sie auf dem Hoftheater in Weimar erschienen,” Journal des Luxus und der Moden 14 (1802) (March), 136–48. The characters are from left to right: Pythia, Xuthus, Ion, Creusa, Phorbas:



[11a] That is, the size of the temple prop, whose design was based on an illustration similar to the following coin (first illustration), ultimately evoked a more bucolic setting than intended (second illustration) ([1] Carl Ottfried Müller and Carl Osterley, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, 3rd ed., ed. Friedrich Wieseler [Göttingen 1877], vol. 2, no. 2, plate 11a; [2] Der Minerva-Tempel/Le Temple de Minerve [in Schwetzingen] [n.d.]):



The original notion was likely the starker, more imposing mountainous setting of Delphi itself; here a nineteenth-century conjectural representation of the Delphi temple (J. Henry Middleton, “The Temple of Apollo at Delphi,” The Journal of Hellenic Studies 9 [1888], 282–322, here 318):



[11b] Pariser Moden Kalender für das Jahr 1787, part of the Östreichischer National Taschenkalender für das Jahr 1787; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung:



[12] Here Goethe’s residence in Weimar, where Schelling had previously stayed overnight as well (illustration of Goethe’s Weimar house on an early postcard: “Vor dem Goethehaus zu Weimars klassischer Zeit”):



[13] Germ. Perlustrieren, from Latin perlustrare, “view all over, scan, scrutinize, examine closely.” Ludwig Geist had copied out the play to send to the theater in Berlin. — It seems punch was served for refreshment during rehearsals. Back.

[14] That is, pleading with each actor and actress (Taschenbuch für das Jahr 1819: Der Liebe und Freundschaft gewidmet 1819; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):



[15] That is, Schiller, in a fit of schadenfreude, would likely have been more pleased, given the chronically strained relationship between him and the Romantic circle in Jena, had Wilhelm’s dramatic attempt fallen flat.

Concerning Schiller’s reaction to the play, see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339) passim, though also with note 58. Here a popularized nineteenth-century illustration of Schiller in the theater (“Die erste Aufführung der ‘Jungfrau von Orleans,'” from Moriz Ehrlich, Goethe und Schiller: Ihr Leben und ihre Werke [Berlin 1897], plate following p. 412):



[16] Heinrich Meyer’s program with the contest rules for the 1802 art exhibition in Weimar, “Weimarische Kunstausstellung vom Jahre 1801 und Preisaufgaben vom Jahre 1802,” supplement to the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (1802) 1 (Friday, 1 January 1802) 1–28 (Weimarer Ausgabe 48:30–56).

For the background to the competition in 1801, see supplementary appendix 330.1. The initial issue of the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung for 1802 contained reproductions of the winning entries for 1801 by Johann August Nahl and Joseph Hoffmann (included in supplementary appendix 330.1) as well as the following preface by the editors:

Since the beginning of last year, the editors of the A.L.Z. have begun the practice of including in each of its four annual volumes a copper engraving that stands in some relationship with a review or is itself explicated by a specific essay in the volume. . . .

These decorations, quite in order for a literary journal, are to be continued without raising the original price of the A.L.Z.

Geheimrath von Goethe, not satisfied with the enduring laurels he himself has earned as a poet, has during the past few years come out publicly as a promoter of the drawing arts, of which he himself has long possessed extensive knowledge, and has also, along with several friends of the arts, established a competition among artists in Weimar with appropriate prizes and awards, and has as a genuine artistic judge evaluated the pieces entered in the third exhibition of this past year with a unique gift for both instructing and encouraging talent.

The engraving in this issue nicely reproduces the two pieces by Herr Nahl and Herr Hoffmann, who shared the first-place prize. Back.

[17] After the break between Schelling and the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung during the autumn of 1799, the relationship between Schelling and the editor, Christian Gottfried Schütz, had been strained (concerning the break itself, see Schelling’s declaration in the Intelligenzblatt of the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung on 2 November 1799 (letter 252d). Back.

[18] At the end of the exhibition program, Goethe (Weimarer Ausgabe 48:55–56), remarks:

Although through our sincere efforts we may have incited opponents, such is the unavoidable fate of every new undertaking, and until things are further clarified we can in the meantime still feel gratified at having made the acquaintance of several valiant friends and participants. We ask merely that everyone focus on the goal itself, which can be attained from many different approaches.

Our goal is to maintain and secure for art both seriousness and dignity internally, honor and advantage externally. And should not every artist and connoisseur and aficionado desire to contribute to attaining that goal? Though one may well entertain differences of opinion on certain matters, or indeed run utterly counter with respect to the maxims from which one takes one’s point of departure, one is nonetheless always working within a single circle and indeed toward a single point. Though one person may incline more toward the natural, another toward the ideal, let us remain mindful that nature and the ideal are themselves not at odds, being instead intimately connected within the grand, living unity toward which we so wondrously strive while perhaps even already possessing them.

Weimar, 1 January 1802

In the name of the united friends of art.
J. W. v. Goethe Back.

[19] Uncertain allusion; perhaps a verbal exchange. See below concerning the judgment on Friedrich Tieck. Back.

[20] Fr., “arrogance, conceit.” Back.

[21] I.e., against Goethe. Back.

[22] Caroline’s reference to Schelling’s “system of identity” is alluding to the ultimate emphasis on, to use Goethe’s words above, the “grand, living unity” in which “nature and ideal” are “intimately connected.” Line 5 of the elegy “Hermann und Dorothea” reads: “That faithfully I strive to perceive both nature and art” (Weimarer Ausgabe 1:293). Back.

[23] Representative illustration by Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, (Kupfersammlung zu J[ohann] B[ernhard] Basedows Elementarwerke für die Jugend und ihre Freunde: Erste Lieferung in 53 Tafeln. Zweyte Lieferung in 47 Tafeln von L bis XCVI [Leipzig, Dessau, Berlin 1774], plate LVIII b):


It was Heinrich Meyer who formulated the judgments on Friedrich Tieck, whose drawing of Achilles on Scyros has been lost, and on Franz Gareis. Gareis eventually developed closer connections with Romanticism in Dresden. Wilhelm Schlegel wanted him to become an illustrator for them and even mentioned him in a letter to Goethe from Dresden on 18 July 1798 (not “August” as in [1913], 2:634; Körner-Wieneke ):

I have made the acquaintance of a young artist here, Gareis, who seems to have a fiery spirit, skill, and boldness of hand, and who, if he can bring himself to paint broadly and diligently while also avoiding the taste for excessive adornment, will perhaps accomplish something quite significant.

They were considering having him paint the deceased Auguste (see Charlotte Ernst to Wilhelm in January 1801 [letter 282a]). Friedrich Schlegel wanted a portrait of Friedrich von Hardenberg (it was not Hardenberg who wanted a Gareis portrait of Friedrich Schlegel, as maintained in Schmidt, [1913], 2:634). Friedrich writes to Hardenberg on 2 December 1798 from Berlin (Novalis Briefwechsel mit Friedrich und August Wilhelm, Charlotte und Caroline Schlegel, ed. J. M. Raich [Mainz 1880], 90, where the name is given incorrectly as “Garnis”; Novalis Schriften 4: 510 has the correct name): “If you are ever in Dresden, can you not have a portrait made of yourself for me by Gareis?”

Gareis did indeed paint Hardenberg; his portrait, perhaps the most famous of Hardenberg, is reproduced as the frontispiece in Novalis Schriften, vol. 4, and is used as the portrait in the biogram of Hardenberg on this site.

Henrik Steffens remembers Gareis’s acquaintance with Ludwig Tieck as well as his bold painting in the prima vista style. After becoming engaged to Luise Reichardt, however, Gareis died of dysentery in Italy. Back.

[24] Presumably a playbill from the Berlin theater; uncertain allusion to a piece by August von Kotzebue. Back.

[25] August von Kotzebue, Der Wirrwarr, oder der Muthwillige. Ein Lustspiel in fünf Aufzügen, Neueste deutsche Schaubühne 6 (Augsburg [1805]). The Weimar company did indeed perform this play on 13 and 20 January 1802 (Das Repertoire des Weimarischen Theaters 42) (Joseph Bayer, lithograph, performance of Kotzebue’s play Der Wirrwarr on 30 September and 6 October 1839 in Weingarten; repr. in Werner Heinz, Der Lithograph Joseph Bayer und seine Zeit (1820–1879): Bilder aus Ravensburg, Weingarten und dem südlichen Oberschwaben [1993]):



[26] Copies of this playbill do not seem to have survived. Back.

[27] I.e., of the performance of Ion in her letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339). Back.

[28] Uncertain allusion, though Caroline goes on to refer to Friedrich’s “epicureanism,” apparently in a figurative sense. Back.

[29] I.e., of Friedrich and Schleiermacher’s planned collective translation of Plato. Friedrich left the publisher Frommann completely in the lurch with regard to the translation, which had already been announced in several periodicals; ultimately Schleiermacher completed this enormous piece of work by himself. See Schleiermacher’s letter to Friedrich on 27 April 1801 (letter 312b), also note 10 there. Back.

[30] I.e., the Jewish “nation,” here: Jewish salon society in Berlin, presumably not least Rahel Levin. See Friedrich’s letters to her in December 1801 (letters 335c, 335d) and January 1802 (letter 339c), though also Dorothea Veit’s letters to Rahel at the turn of the year 1801/1802 (letter 335h) and January 1802 (letter 339d).

It is uncertain how Caroline stayed informed of such developments and the extent to which she was aware of Friendrich relationship with Rahel:



[31] Concerning the delayed arrival of Friedrich’s suitcase in Berlin, see Friedrich’s letter to Rahel in December 1801 (letter 335c), note 3. — “Miss Levy” in English in original, an unusual remark unless Caroline is wryly poking fun at the relationship mentioned above. Back.

[32] Julie Gotter seems to have developed a romantic interest in Friedrich Tieck during his visits to Jena earlier; see, e.g., the pertinent passage in her letter to her sister to Cäcilie Gotter on October 1801 (letter 329l.2) (Leonhard Schlemmer, Liebespaar beim Spaziergang (1799); Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum, Museumsnr./Signatur Graph. A1: 2532c):



[33] Uncertain allusion, though see supplementary appendix 314.4. In her letter to Wilhelm on 7–8 May 1801 (letter 314), Caroline quips that “Madam Sander is behaving like a little fool in Leipzig, is absolutely insisting on coming here to see her friend Goethe, or, as she puts it, her ‘darling.'” The Sanders doubtless knew the Viewegs from the latters’ time in Berlin; both husbands were publishers. Back.

[34] Luise, in Braunschweig, was acquainted with the publisher Vieweg and his family, who had moved to Braunschweig from Berlin in 1799. Back.

[35] Médisance, Fr., “gossip, slander, backbiting, generally gossip-mongering.”

Here a satirically illustrated gossip-mongering — Fr., médisant — tea-circle at the time (“Ein Thé — médisant,” Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1803: Dem Edeln und Schönen der frohen Laune und der Philosophie des Lebens gewidmet [1804], plate 5; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):



[36] An extensive packet of Caroline’s financial calculations and household bookkeeping was extant, though Erich Schmidt did not publish this financial information in the edition of 1913. Eckart Klessmann reproduces material in “Ich war kühn, aber nicht frevelhaft.” Das Leben der Caroline Schlegel-Schelling, 2nd ed. (Bergisch-Gladbach 1992), 240–44, in connection with Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 21 January 1802 (letter 242). Back.

[37] Caroline (but not Wilhelm) would move into a new apartment in Jena on 24 May 1802. Back.

[38] I.e., ever lost any firewood.

Here illustrations of

  • (1) a generously appointed room stove from 1785 (Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, Hier bin ich bereit etc. [1785]; Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum; Museums./Signatur DChodowiecki AB 3.620);
  • (2) a newer stove model with cross section from 1799 (Magazin für Freunde des Guten Geschmacks: Ideen zu Zimmerverzierungen 5 [1799] no. 6 [Leipzig 1799]); and finally
  • (3) probably more the less-than-adequate situation about which Caroline is here writing, “sitting here and shivering like aspens” (Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 4 [Vienna 1776], plate 84):





[39] Uncertain allusion to “silver.” Julie Gotter herself does not otherwise mention this young gentleman in her letters home. Here an illustration of sleigh rides around the market square in Jena ca. 1780 (Ernst Borkowsky, Die Burschenschaft Germania zu Jena [Jena 1897], 111):


Concerning the weather and sleigh rides during January 1802, see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339), note 13.

See the following illustrations of such a sleigh outing from 1792 and 1787 (Johann Wilhelm Mein, Schlittenfahrt [1792]; Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum; Museums./Signatur JWMeil AB 3.205); Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, Kupfer zu Herrn Professor Salzmanns Elementarwerk nach den Zeichnungen Herr Daniel Chodowiecki, nos. 1, 2 [Leipzig 1787], plate lxi); and esp. the 1902 postcard of Clausthal students preparing for a sleigh excursion and processional as part of Carnival festivities quite similar to what Caroline herself experienced in Clausthal (see Caroline’s letter to Lotte Michaelis on 20 March 1786 [letter 67]):




[40] Fr., “nobility” here in a figurative sense. Back.

[41] Allusion to Auguste’s earlier presence at such cheerful gatherings (Tschenbuch für das Jahr 1817: Der Liebe und Freundschaft gewidmet; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):



[42] Kritisches Journal für Philosophie, ed. Fr. Wilh. Joseph Schelling and Ge. Wilhelm Fr. Hegel, I, 1 (1802); published by Johann Friedrich Cotta in Tübingen. The first issue probably appeared at the end of December 1801 or at the beginning of January 1802. Back.

[43] Uncertain allusion, though Paulus’s relationship with Schelling was not particularly good at the time and would worsen over the coming years. Back.

[44] See Schelling’s letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339a); at issue is perceived gossip concerning an allegedly negative article Schelling is said to have published or planned in the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung concerning Fichte’s dismissal in 1799. Back.

[45] I.e., would free Schelling and Niethammer from the charge of having remained in Jena despite previous implications that they (and other faculty members) would resign should Fichte be dismissed. Although Fichte was indeed dismissed, no faculty members resigned in solidarity with him. See the supplementary appendix on Fichte’s atheism dispute of 1799. Back.

[46] Presumably the request concerning Fichte, which Caroline implies in her earlier letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339). Back.

[47] Schelling’s letter to Fichte of 4 January 1802 has been lost. See, however, Schelling’s letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339a), in which he mentions the current problems with his relationship with Fichte; see esp. notes 6–8. Back.

[48] “Einleitung. Ueber das Wesen der philosophischen Kritik überhaupt, und ihr Verhältniss zum gegenwärtigen Zustand der Philosophie insbesondere,” Kritisches Journal für Philosophie, I, 1 (1802), iii–xxiv. Translated by H. S. Harris as “The Critical Journal of Philosophy. Introduction on The Essence of Philosophical Criticism Generally, and its Relationship to the Present State of Philosophy in Particular,” in Between Kant and Hegel. Texts in the Development of Post-Kantian Idealism, trans., with introductions by George di Giovanni and H. S. Harris, rev. ed. (Indianapolis/Cambridge 2000), 272–91. Back.

[49] Concerning these Greek citations, which Schelling had requested from Wilhelm for his publication Bruno, see Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 20–21 December 1801 (letter 336), note 42. Back.

[49a] Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki, Besetztere und illuminierte Landkarte von Deutschland Elementarwerk, from the Kupfersammlung zu J[ohann] B[ernhard] Basedows Elementarwerke für die Jugend und ihre Freunde: Erste Lieferung in 53 Tafeln. Zweyte Lieferung in 47 Tafeln von L bis XCVI (Leipzig, Dessau, Berlin 1774), plate xlv):



[50] Theodor Georg August Roose, currently in Braunschweig, had similarly received a generous offer to teach in Kiel and similarly turned it down to remain where he was (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):



[51] The young scholar of criminal justice Anselm Feuerbach, passed over in Jena, accepted the professorship in Kiel that had been vacated by the departure of Anton Friedrich Justus Thibaut (Caroline: Thibaud). See Feuerbach’s letter to his father on 18 January 1802 (letter 340a). Back.

[52] Kiel had since 1773 been ruled by the Danish king as the Duke of Holstein as a fief of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, remaining such even after the dissolution of the latter in 1806 (“Central Europe: Wars of the Third Coalition 1805–7,” Cambridge Modern History Atlas [Cambridge 1912]):



[53] Caroline similarly notes Henrik Steffens’s absence from Jena in her letter to Wilhelm on 10 December 1801 (letter 335); see note 61 there concerning his itinerary. Back.

[54] Opinion in French in original. Back.

[55] Caroline and Wilhelm indeed did not reside together during her visit to Berlin later that spring. Back.

[56] An insinuating allusion to Sophie Bernhardi, with whose family Wilhelm was residing? Back.

[57] Friedrich Schlegel departed Berlin for Dresden on 27 January 1802; he had been in Berlin since 2 December 1801 (Post Karte Durch ganz Deutschland, ed. J. Walch [Augsburg 1795]):



[58] Ludwig Tieck’s grand drama Kaiser Octavianus: Ein Lustspiel in 2 Theilen was not published by Friedrich Frommann (Jena) until 1804. Here the frontispiece to the edition Vienna 1817:



[59] Caroline remarks in her letter to Wilhelm on 4 January 1802 (letter 339) that Goethe was expected in Jena on 12 January; he did not arrive, however, until 17 January. See note 60 there. Back.

[60] The program for the art exhibition mentioned earlier. Back.

[61] I.e., in jest, 40 German miles, ca. 300 km; Berlin is located ca. 260 km from Jena (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):



[62] Otto Justus Arnemann had purchased the Michaelis family home in Göttingen at Prinzenstrasse 21 back in 1792, but issues attaching to that sale had still not been settled, not least because of Arnemann’s own debt; indeed, he would soon flee Göttingen. See Caroline’s letters to Friedrich Ludwig Wilhelm Meyer on 29 July 1792 (letter 113); 10 May 1794 (letter 144); and 30–31 August 1794 (letter 147), note 3. Back.

[63] An overview is helpful in this context:

  • From May 1800 — when Caroline and Auguste departed for Bamberg and Bocklet without Wilhelm — Caroline had been living apart from Wilhelm.
  • In early October 1800, after leaving Bamberg together following Auguste’s death in July, Wilhelm and Caroline spent two-and-a-half days in Göttingen settling family inheritance issues,
  • they then lived together again in Braunschweig between October 1800 and February 1801,
  • at the end of which (i.e., late February 1801) Wilhelm departed for Berlin without Caroline.
  • They were together again for the last time between August and November 1801, when Wilhelm visited Jena for the last time. Back.

[64] Caroline here uses a play on words in German: herrlich “splendid, magnificent, marvelous, grand, etc.”; and herrisch, “bossy, dictatorial, commanding, lordly, etc.” Back.

[65] Fr., “Ah, my God!” or “Ah, good Lord!” Back.

[66] Latin, “and in addition; similarly, likewise.” Back.

[67] Johann Diederich Gries had been working on what would be a quite well-received translation of the poet Tasso, Gerusalemme liberata (Jerusalem Delivered) (1580), trans. Johann Diederich Gries as Befreites Jerusalem, 4 vols. (Jena 1800–1803). Back.

[68] Schelling followed Caroline to Berlin in late April or early May 1802. Back.

[69] The tensions between Caroline and Wilhelm that emerge in this letter become increasingly pronounced until events during Caroline’s trip to Berlin precipitate their decision to pursue a divorce. Back.

[70] Illustration: a wife presents her household financial ledger to her husband (Allmanach auf das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Geburt Jesu Christi 1786; Inhaltsverzeichnis deutscher Almanache, Theodor Springmann Stiftung):


Portions of the financial ledgers that now follow were first published by Eckart Klessmann, “Ich war kühn, aber nicht frevelhaft.” Das Leben der Caroline Schlegel-Schelling, rev. ed. (Bergisch Gladbach 1992), 240–44 (instances of slight misreading or omissions corrected here). Parts of these ledgers are not entirely transparent.

Klessmann identifies the ledgers as having been part of Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on Thursday, 21 January 1802 (letter 342), and indeed, the manuscript pages of the ledgers appear in the Digitale Edition der Korrespondenz August Wilhelm Schlegels at the end of the manuscript to that letter. This attribution, however, is difficult to reconcile. The manuscripts of these ledgers are not, it may be noted, contiguous with those of that letter.

In his letter to Caroline on Tuesday, 26 January 1802 (letter 343) Wilhelm remarks that “I received your two parcels with the printed material together last Saturday,” i.e., on 23 January 1802, only two days after Caroline had sent letter 342. Quite apart from Caroline’s chronic complaints about the slowness of the postal service between Jena and Berlin during this period, her letter could not have arrived that quickly in Berlin even during normal postal schedules. Since this present letter was finished on 14 January 1802 and presumably sent soon thereafter, its arrival on 23 January 1802 is sooner commensurate with the normal postal schedule and certainly with Caroline’s complaints. These ledgers do not in any case seem to be Wilhelm’s reference.

Because in this letter she goes into considerable detail about precisely the issues Wilhelm addresses in his response to her on 26 January 1802 (letter 343), where he even remarks that Caroline “according to your own calculations, received 195 rh. from me since November,” which Caroline does indeed state in the present ledgers, I have included them at the end of this present letter — considering also Caroline’s request here:

Have a careful look through the invoices, not merely a fleeting look as if you might burn your fingers doing so. You will then also see that I have gone to considerable effort to be frightfully clear and unequivocal.

In that letter to Caroline on Tuesday, 26 January 1802 (letter 343), Wilhelm, essentially in response to precisely this entreaty, specifically assures her that “I looked with the greatest care through what you wrote about the issue and at the calculations themselves,” then, before finishing his response to the calculations, interrupts himself to remark that “I just received your letter of 21 January,” i.e., precisely letter 342 to which these calculations have been, it now seems, incorrectly appended.

Hence while acknowledging that the manuscript situation is not as tidy as one might wish, it seems reasonable to associate these lengthy ledger entries with this letter rather than with the letter to which they are included in separate manuscript form (i.e., bearing in mind that they are not contiguous with the rest of the manuscript to letter 342).

In any event, Erich Schmidt did not include in his edition the text that begins here and extends to the end of this letter. The omitted text appears on the manuscript pages in part as normal ledgers, i.e., in columns; this appearance has not been reproduced here. The text itself, however, reads as follows in the manuscript (Digitale Edition der Korrespondenz August Wilhelm Schlegels; line breaks as in original; manuscript pages indicated; transcription by the translator):


Von Schlegel erhalten seit Anfang
des November 1801

rht gr. d

mir zurück gelassen 19 12

für verkaufte Kleider
und Bücher 12 2 6
erhalten aus Berlin 164 3
195 17 6

Meine Zinsen aus
Hannover 33 12
Sch—gs Almanach
anteil 14 6
243 11 6


Transport 243 11 6

Was mir Loder für
meinen Bruder gegeben
in gr. Geld 13 21 —
Was ich aus Braunschw.
baar erhalten um es
hier auszuzahlen 12 18
270 2 6


Hauptposten meiner Ausgabe
seit Anfang Nov. 1801
rht gr.

der Wein in Erfurt bezahlt 19 12
4 Hemden für Schlegel
zu nähen 3 4
2 Koffer für ihn zu repariren mdash; 22
Rechnung der akademischen
Buchhandlung 4 18
Beym Tischler:
Rahmen um Schlegels Bild 1 18
um das Bild nach Hamburg
nebst Glas 1 12
Spiegelrahm und andre
Kleinigkeiten 2 13
Ofenschirm Gestelle
nebst Zubeho[ö]r 3 18
die rückständige Schuld
an Schelling 47 8
85 5


85 5

Auf das seit April 01
gebrauchte Holz bezahlt 32 12
2 p. kurze Strümpfe
für Schlegel 1 4
dem Böttcher für
Waschgefäße u.
Backtrog 5 —
Der Weinachten für
die beyden Mädchen
an Geld, Sachen u. Kuchen,
item für die alte Christiane 7 9 3
Lohn der Mädchen 7 — —
Neujahrsgelder für die
verschiedenen Officianten 2 — —
Vielfältiges Porto
ungefähr 6 —
146 6 3

für meine Haushaltung
seit 10 Wochen 60
206 6 3

Das übrige ist für Holz kl[ein] machen, Wäsche, Licht, kleine
Bedürfnisse des Hauses, Fahrt nach Weimar (größtentheils) drauf gegangen. Auch ist dabey was ich der


Tischbein schuldig war und noch
ein Hauskleid für Julchen, [above line:] /auch/ einige
Geschenke an gestrickten Sachen für
meine Neveux und Niecen — für
mich ein Fußkorb mit Pelz und
ein gestrickter wollner Unterrock.

Der Jon hat mich wirklich uber
7 rht. gekostet, weil ich gezwungen
war über Nacht zu bleiben und
Schell. den Wagen für dießmal
nicht bezahlen lassen wollte, da er
sein Pferd neben an reiten
ließ, um später zurück kehren zu können. Von den 6 Logen
Billets gab ich 2 zurück, und
schenkte Carl eins, der sich mit
dem Verkaufen Deiner Bücher
so redlich abmüht.


Schulden zu Anfang Novembers


Holz 30
Zucker u. Caffeé
in Braunschweig 17
Wein 20
ein kupferner
Waschkessel 7 16
Miethe 45
Beym Böttger 5
Bey Paulßen
ungefähr 20
bey Möllenbeck
ungefähr 50
An Schelling 47 8


Philipp hat uns gegeben
im Februar 1801 400 rht.
in Louisd’or
zu 5 rht.

Schlegel hat von
Hufeland für ihn
9 Louisd’or 45 rht.

Hufeland ist Philipp noch weit mehr
schuldig und soll alles was es
dann giebt an Schlegel auszahlen.
Das hat ihm Philipp geschrieben.


Von Schlegel erhalten
seit seiner abreise von Braunschweig
am Ende des Februar.

mir zurückgelassen 19 3
durch Wied. 3 Louisd.
von Cotta 17 —
durch Nicolovius 163
seit seiner Ankunft in Jena 17 Louisd. 97 1
296 4


296 4

den 2ten Sept.
2 Louisd’or 11 10
Weinbrunn 2 Louisd. 11 8
am 16ten Sept.
2 Louisd. 11 8
erhalten am
21 Sept. 2 5
In Weimar
8 Louisd’or 45 16
378 3


erhalten bis Ende October

378 3

davon geht ab für
Schlegel 192 8
für mich also 185 19


200 Louisd’or

An meinen Bruder zu bezahlen
in Louisd’or zu 5 rht.

rht gr. Louisd’or

Kapital von 400 — — 80

Zinsen dafür vom
Februar 1801 bis
dahin 1802 15 — — 3
Auslage für 1 Stück
englisch Meublen Catten,
Pomeranzen, Heringe
u. dergleichen 25 — — 5

Was Hufeland Schlegel
im Sommer 01 ausgezahlt
hat 45 — — 9

Was er noch auszahlen
wird ungefähr 47 12 9 1/2

Loder hat mir jetzt
für ihn gezahlt 12 12 2 1/2
beträgt also 545 rht oder 109 Louisd’or

an Claproth in Gött.
Zurückzahlung von
einer Summer die ich
nur 1 bis 8 Jahren
leihen mußte 100 20
645 129

bleiben 71 Louisd’or


71 Louisd’or

Daran ist zu bezahlen in Braunschweig in
Louisd’or zu 5 rht. 6 gr.

rht gr.

an Moellenbeck 56
Apotheke 9 3
Zucker u. Caffee
im Sommer 17 —
Zucker u. Caffee
diesen Winter erhalten 9 21
für Porcellan 18 14
Eine Rechnung bey
dem Juden größtentheils
für mich, Spitzen, Kleidung,
Halstücher, zuletzt noch
das Kleid für Julchen 66 4

[in margin:] (auch das Kleid für Caroline Tischbein)

Leinenwand ins Haus 4 20

ferner: Theils an
erhaltene[n] Sachen ins Haus
als Mahagony Teller und
Weinbouteillen u. Gläser
Theils baar um es
hier im Februar an
Mad. Fleischer auszuzahlen 25 —

Musik die nach
Berlin geschickt worden 9 10

beträgt ungefähr 41 Louisd’or
bleiben von obigen 71 Louisd’or
NB 30 Louisd’or


NB Von diesen 30 Louisd’or
oder 166 rht 6 gr. ge Geld
muß ich hier vor meiner Abreise
noch bezahlen wenigstens
für Holz 66 rht 6 gr
an anderen
kleinen Rechnungen 20
an Kilian 20

für Thee von
welchem 3/4 Theile
nach Berlin gekommen
4 Carolin mithin 26 rht
132 6 gr
bleiben 34 rht für einen Pelz Back.

[71] Wilhelm had departed Jena for Berlin on 3 November 1802 (Rudolf Koch and Fritz Kredel, Deutschland und angrenzende Gebiete [Leipzig 1937]):


Caroline’s enumerations in this ledger document not only her expenses, but also, and of perhaps equal interest to later readers, her engagement with a variety of trade specialists and merchants. Back.

[71a] Joseph Richter, Bildergalerie weltlicher Misbräuche: Ein Gegenstück zur Bildergalerie katholischer und klösterlicher Misbräuche (Frankfurt, Leipzig 1785), illustration preceding p. 149:


The following illlustration includes portrayals of Mercury and Minerva as patrons of scholarship (Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 8 [Vienna 1782], plate 42:



[71b] Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 4 (Vienna 1776), plate 23:



[71c] Illustration from Wolf Helmhardt von Hohberg, Georgica Curiosa Aucta, Das ist: Umständlicher Bericht und klarer Unterricht Von dem Adelichen Land- und Feld-Leben etc. (Nürnberg 1687):



[71d] Tradesmen manufacturing socks (Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 3 [Vienna 1776], plate 37:



[71e] Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 3 (Vienna 1776), plate 37:



[71f] Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 8 (Vienna 1782), plate 12:



[72] I.e., the books Wilhelm left behind in Jena and which he would now like to liquidate. Back.

[73] See Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 19–20 July 1801 (letter 326), note 35. Back.

[74] Presumably to replace the porcelain Caroline had found missing or broken when she returned to Jena from Braunschweig in late April 1801. See the pertinent passage and accompanying footnote in Caroline’s letter to Wilhelm on 7–8 May 1801 (letter 314). Back.

[75] Much of the merchandise Caroline enumerates in this ledger could be purchased from trade specialist or specialty shops, e.g., in the following illustration from a maker and seller of belts (Schauplatz der Natur und der Künste, vol. 8 [Vienna 1782], plate 23):



Translation © 2016 Doug Stott